V 


WAR     INFORMATION     SERIES 


No.  14 


March.   1918 


THE   WAR   FOR 
PEACE 


THE  PRESENT  WAR 
AS  VIEWED  BY  FRIENDS  OF  PEACE 


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COMPILED  BY 

ARTHUR  D.  CALL 

Secretary  of  the  American  Peace  Society  and  Editor  Oj 
"The  Advocate  of  Peace" 


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PUBLISHED  BY 

THE  COMMITTEE  ONlPUBLIC  INFORMATION 

WASHINGTON.  D.  C. 


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CONTENTS 

Paige 

I    Thk  Ameuican  Peace  Society— 

i:dilorial:    "Win  and  End  the  War" :, 

Brief  extracts 7 

II.  The  Caunkoie  Endowmemt  von  International  Peace — 

Minute  of  November  1,  1917 9 

III.  The  LEA(iUE  to  Enfohce  Peace — 

Official  statement 11 

IV.  The  Ameuican  School  Peace  League — 

Official  statement 14 

V.   The  Would  Peace  Foundation — 

Official  statement 16 

VI.   Women  Peace  Workers — 

Statement  of  various  leaders,  December  29,  1917 17 

VIP.  The  Churches — 

American  Branch  of  the  World  Alliance  for  Promoting  Inter- 
national Friendship  through  the  Churches 19 

Federal  Council  of  the  Churches  of  Christ  in  America 'JO 

VIII.  Relief  Workers  in  Belgium — 

Cablegram  to  President  Wilson  from  Herbert  C.  Hoover, 
Chaii'inan  of  the  American  Commission   for    Relief    in 

Belgium,  April  3,  1917 23 

Vernon  Kellogg,  in  Atlantic  Monthly  for  August  ,1917 23 

IX.  Clarence  Darrow,  of  Chicago — 

From  an  address  published  in  The  Saidi  Fe  Magazine,  De- 
cember, 1917 24 

X.  William  Howard  Taft — 

From  an  address  before  the  General  Conference  of  the  Uni- 
tarian and  other  Christian  Churches  at  Montreal,  Septem- 
ber 2(),  1917 2S 

XI.  William  Jennings  Bryan — 

Editorials  from  'Die  Commoner: 

"Resisting  the  Draft" 35 

"Abusing  Free  Speech" 3o 

"Write  to  Washington" 30 

"Stand  by  the  Government" 36 

"A  Powerful  Document" 37 

XII.  Theodore  INIarburg,  of  Baltimore — 

From  an  article  in  The  Humanitarian,  December,  1917 39 

XIII.  Samuel  GoMPERS — 

Upon  accepting  the  presidency  of  the  American  Alliance  for 
Labor  and  Democracy 41 


5«V 


"Between  a  worthy  War-patriotism  and  a  virile  Peace-patriotism 
there  is  no  essential  difference."— (Louis  F.  Post,  in  The  Public, 
December  14,  1917.) 

"Now  that  we  are  in  the  War  the  shortest  way  out  is  Forward."— 
David  Starr  Jordan. 


I.     The  American  Peace  Society 

The  American  Peace  Society  is  America's  oldest  peace  ornanization — dating 
back  to  1815,  definitely  organized  in  1828,  and  incorporated  under  the  laws 
of  Massachusetts  in  1848.  It  enrolled  among  its  officers  and  members  a 
large  proportion  of  the  men  who  built  up  the  ideals  and  institutions  of  our 
nineteenth  century  period.  Since  1911 ,  its  headquarters  have  been  in  Wash- 
ington, D.  C.  It  publishes  a  monthly  magazine,  the  Advocate  of  Peace, 
which  has  been  publisiicd  regularly  for  eighty  years.  The  pre-sent  officers  of 
the  Society  are:  President,  Hon.  James  L.  Slayden,  House  of  Representatives, 
Washington,  D.  C;  Secretary,  Arthur  Deerin  Call,  Coloi-ado  Ruilding, 
Washington,  D.  C;  Treasurer,  George  W.  White,  President  National  Metro- 
politan Bank,  Washington,  D.  C;  Vice-Presidents,  Jackson  H.  Ralston, 
Wa.shington,  D.  C;  Theodore  E.  Burton,  New  York  City;  Andrew  Carnegie, 
New  York  City;  William  Jennings  Bryan,  Lincoln,  Xeb.;  William  H.  Taft, 
New  Haven,  Conn. 

The  leading  editorial  in  the  Advocate  of  Peace  for  December,  1917,  follows: 

WIN  AND  END  THE  WAR 

This  is  no  time  for  darkening  counsel  by  words.  Since  it  is 
true  that  in  time  of  irreconcilable  conflict  in  welfares  the  lesser 
must  succumb  to  the  greater;  since  it  is  true  that  we  are  now 
faced  with  an  irreconcilable  conflict  between  the  will  to  might  of 
the  German  Government  and  the  will  to  right  of  the  United 
States;  since  we  believe  it  to  be  true  that  there  is  therefore  an 
irreconcilable  conflict  between  the  welfare  of  kings  and  the 
welfare  of  peoples;  since  it  is  true,  as  we  believe,  that  a  tri- 
umphant Germany  would  now  destroy  everj'-  hope  we  have  for  a 
world  governed  bj'  justice,  and  that  what  we  mean  by  civihza- 
tion  is  therefore  hanging  at  this  hour  in  the  balance;  since  it  is 
true  that  our  country  is,  by  the  vote  of  our  representatives  duly 
elected,  at  war  with  the  Imperial  German  Government  that 
that  civilization  may  be;  since  it  is  true  that  our  boys  are  now 
by  the  thousands  on  the  firing  hnes  of  France  and  that  they  are 
alread}'  dying  there  for  us;  since  it  is  true  that  our  lawfully 
created  representatives  are,  at  our  bidding,  bending  every  effort 
to  bring  the  German  Government  to  terms  and  to  end  the  destruc- 
tion; since  these  things  are  true,  terribly  true,  this  certainly  is 
no  time  for  a  loj'alty  of  squinting  constructions,  or  for  behavior 
of  a  doubtful  sort  on  the  part  of  any  one  within  the  United 
States.  Now  of  all  times  in  our  history  is  the  time  for  confining 
ourselves  "within  the  modest  limits  of  order." 

5 


6  THE  WAR  FOR  PEACE 

We  must  believe  in  law.  Without  law  there  is  chaos.  Law 
is  the  instrument  by  which  the  majority,  individually  weak 
and  right-minded,  control  the  few  individually  aggressive  and 
criminal.  Where  there  is  no  law,  might  and  cunning  prevail. 
Laws  are  rules  of  conduct  which  we  are  all  morally  bound  to 
obey.  If  we  will  to  live  within  the  United  States  we  by  that 
act  tacitly  agree  to  obey  the  laws  of  the  United  States. 

If  we  give  "aid  and  comfort"  to  Germany  in  these  times,  we 
disobey  the  most  fundamental  law  of  our  land.  When  our 
chosen  leaders  are,  in  accordance  with  the  law,  bending  every 
effort  to  bring  the  German  Government  to  terms,  for  any  of  us 
to  harass  these  our  representatives  in  authority  is  to  stir  up  the 
dust,  befog  the  issues,  prolong  the  horror,  give  encouragement  to 
Germany,  do  violence  to  law,  and  toy  with  treason. 

We  state  these  elementar}^  principles  here,  not  because  we 
are  interested  in  principles  merelj^,  but  because  many  radical 
persons,  commonly  called  "pacifists,"  ignore  these  principles  to 
the  embarrassing  detriment  of  the  very  thing  they  and  we  be- 
lieve in  and  would  advance.  The  so-called  People  s  Council  is 
made  up  largely  of  just  such  deluded  persons.  What  has  been 
known  for  a  time  as  the  American  Union  Against  Militarism 
has,  we  are  informed,  changed  its  name  to  American  Union  for 
a  Democratic  Peace,  and  its  members  are  now  evidently  applying 
essentially  the  same  obscurantist  and  disturbing  methods  as  the 
People's  Council.  These  perfectly  sincere  "radicals"  are  raising 
the  dust,  getting  nowhere,  bringing  upon  themselves  the  con- 
tempt of  healthy-minded  men,  and  by  their  stupid  proceedings 
rendering  a  serious  injury  to  the  cause  of  international  peace. 
For  any  body  of  intelligent  persons  to  organize  themselves  and 
to  say  as  a  body  at  this  time,  "We  are  utterly  opposed  to  the 
extension  of  militarism  in  this  country,"  would  be  laughable 
were  it  not  so  counter  to  the  law  as  it  is,  treasonable  in  substance 
and  tragical.  The  job  of  the  hour  has  nothing  to  do  with  "an- 
nexations," "indemnities,"  "economic  reprisals,"  unofficial 
"German  peace  proposals."  To  blur  our  thinking  with  such 
matters  at  this  time  is  to  distort  our  perspective,  to  give  comfort 
to  our  enemies,  and  to  prolong  the  war.  The  supreme  duty  of 
every  man,  woman,  and  child  in  America  today  is,  avoiding 
panics  and  hatreds  of  persons,  to  remember  the  ghastly  offenses 


Til]']  A\AH  FOR  PEACE  7 

of  a  might-worshipping  aggressor,  and  to  bend  every  possible 
effort  to  win  and  to  end  this  war. 

When  they  ask  us  of  this  Society,  as  frequently  the}-  do,  how 
we  can  "support  war  with  one  hand  and  peace  with  the  other," 
we  reply  by  pointing  to  our  wcll-nigli  hundred  years  of  con- 
sistent effort  in  behalf  of  a  reign  of  law.  We  cannot  now  turn 
against  the  only  law  we  have  left.  We  must  and  will  support 
the  onlj'  machinery  we  have  for  the  maintenance  of  that  law, 
namely,  the  United  States  Government.  If  some  member  of  the 
People's  Council  pathetically  asks  us,  as  one  recently  did,  "V>'ho, 
then,  is  to  represent  the  people?"  our  reply  nmst  be  tliat  we  can 
recognize  but  one  "representative  of  the  people"  today,  and 
that  is  not  the  People's  Council,  but  the  Government  duh'  elected 
and  sworn  to  do  precisely  that  thing. 

At  eighteen  minutes  past  one  o'clock,  Fridaj-,  April  (3,  1917, 
something  happened  in  the  world.  On  that  day  and  hour  the 
President  of  the  United  States  signed  a  resolution  which  had 
been  passed  by  both  houses  of  the  Congress,  a  resolution  which 
officially  declared  the  state  of  war  which  had  been  thrust  upon 
this  country.  This  momentous  act  altered  completely  the  bases 
upon  which  we  fashioned  our  dail)^  behavior  prior  to  that  action. 
It  seems  difficult  for  many  to  grasp  this  fact,  but  it  is  a  fact 
which  must  be  grasped.  With  the  situation  as  it  is,  there  can 
be  no  governed  world  of  the  kind  that  rational  men  would  have. 
Judicial  processes  are  at  the  time  internationall}^  impossible. 
The  methods  of  peaceable  settlement  nuist  wait,  because  there 
in  the  way  of  these  things  stands  the  Imperial  CJerman  Govern- 
ment. To  go  back  now  would  be  disastrous.  The  only  way 
to  the  attainment  of  our  aims  is  forward.  Law,  justice,  common 
sense,  the  world  peace  we  purpose  to  establish,  all  call  now  for  a 
perfect  unity  of  opinion  and  purpose,  a  call  which  should  and 
must  be  heard  by  us  all,  whether  we  are  members  of  this  or  that 
''group"  or  of  no  group  at  all.  The  clarion,  unmistakable  call 
to  us  all  is,  that  we  must  now  end  this  war  by  winning  it. 

The  following  extracts  are  from  editorials  in  the  issue  for  January,  1918: 

"The  voices  of  humanity,"  to  which  the  President 

referred  in  his  message  of  December  4,  are  against  such  conquests 

as  they  are  against  the  cut-throat  theory  of  economic  warfare 

typified  by  the  proposals  of  the  Economic  Congress  in  Paris. 


8  THE  WAR  FOR  PEACE 

It  is  true  that  "the  voices  of  humanity"  are  in  the  air.  It  is  true 
that  "they  grow  daily  more  audible,  more  articulate,  more 
persuasive,  and  they  come  from  the  hearts  of  men  everywhere. 
They  insist  that  the  war  shall  not  end  in  vindictive  action  of 
any  kind;  that  no  nation  or  people  shall  be  robbed  or  punished 
because  the  irresponsible  rulers  of  a  single  country  have  themselves 
done  deep  and  abominable  wrong."  It  is  this  thought  that  has 
been  expressed  in  the  formula,  "no  accessions,  no  contributions, 
no  punitive  indemnities."  The  attempt  to  end  the  war  by  acces- 
sions and  punitive  indemnities  would  not  end  the  war,  but  prolong 
the  war,  or  at  least  establish  a  temporary  peace  which  would 
be  but  the  forerunner  of  another  and  probably  more  terrible 

war.   .    .    . 

.     .     .     We  cannot  win  this  war  by  any  inconclusive,  fragile, 

or  patched-up  peace.  The  peace  of  exultation  of  the  strong  over 

the  weak,  of  exploitation  and  of  revenge,  of  mere  compromise, 

of  secret  diplomacy  or  intrigue,  of  a  subjection  of  small  nations 

against  their  will,  of  greed  and  selfishness,  or  of  any  dicker  with 

German  war-lords  would  be  no  peace  at  all. 

It  is  certain  that  we  of  America  are  now  at  war  with  the 
Imperial  German  Government  and  with  Austria-Hungary.  All 
our  resources  are  at  the  command  of  the  Government,  and  we 
purpose  to  end  this  war  by  winning  it.  No  one  can  mistake  the 
military  outcome.  We  shall  bring  the  Imperial  German  Govern- 
ment to  terms.  Of  this  there  is  no  doubt  whatsoever.  But  all 
this  could  be  done  and  the  war  in  reality  be  lost.  A  nominal  mili- 
tary victory  can  easily  be  turned  into  a  defeat  gruesome  and  ca- 
lamitous. But  if  we  clarif}^  our  principles  and  become  "debased 
by  no  selfish  ambition  of  conquest  or  spoilation";  if  we  keep 
prominently  before  us  our  "principles  of  humanity  and  of  knightly 
honor";  if  we  refuse  to  take  part  in  "intrigue";  if  we  keep  always 
in  mind  not  only  the  welfare  of  ourselves  but  of  our  enemies; 
if  we  view  our  cause  as  just  and  holy  and  make  it  both;  if  we 
crystallize  our  thinking  upon  the  ancient  rights  and  duties  of 
nations,  .  .  .  we  as  a  nation  shall  rise  to  our  opportunity, 
to  the  clear  heights  of  God's  "own  justice  and  mercy,"  and  win 
the  war  indeed. 


II.     Carnegie    Endowment    for    International 

Peace 

The  Carnegie  Endowment  for  International  Peace  was  founded  by  Mr. 
Andrew  Carnegie,  December  14,  1910.  Mr.  Carnegie  created  a  Board  of 
Trustees  to  whom  he  transferred  SI 0,000,000,  the  revenue  of  which  is  ad- 
ministered for  ha.stening  the  abohtion  of  international  war.  The  Trastees  for 
1917  were:  President,  Elihu  Root;  Vice-President,  the  late  Joseph  H.  Choate; 
Secretary,  James  Brown  Scott;  Treasurer,  Charlemagne  Tower;  A.ssistant 
Treasurer,  Andrew  J.  Montague;  Robert  Bacon,  Robert  S.  Brookings, 
Thomas  Burke,  Nicholas  Murray  Butler,  Cleveland  H.  Dodge,  Charles 
W.  Eliot,  Arthur  William  Foster,  John  W.  Foster,  Austen  G.  Fox, 
Robert  A.  Franks,  George  Gray,  William  M.  Howard,  Samuel  Mather, 
George  W.  Perkins,  Henry  S.  Pritchett,  Jacob  G.  Schmidlapp,  James  L. 
Slayden,  Oscar  S.  Straus,  Charles  L.  Taylor,  Andrew  D.  White,  John  Sharp 
Williams,  Robert  S.  Woodward.  James  Brown  Scott,  Secretary  of  the  En- 
dowment, is  now  serving  the  Government  in  the  capacity  of  Major  and  Judge 
Advocate,  United  States  Reserves  in  Active  Service,  and  has  been  detailed 
to  the  office  of  Provost-Marshal  General  Crowder. 

The  following  minute  Ls  self-explanatory: 

Information  has  reached  this  country  that  a  persistent  propa- 
ganda is  in  progress  in  Germany,  to  the  effect  that  under  the 
stimukis  and  direction  of  peace  organizations  in  the  United 
States  a  widespread  movement  for  immediate  peace  is  going 
on  here.  In  view  of  this  information,  the  Executive  Committee 
of  the  Carnegie  Endowment,  at  a  meeting  in  New  York  on 
November  1st  [1917],  unanimously  adopted  the  following  resolu- 
tion, which  was  subsequently  cabled  to  all  the  countries  of  the 
world : 

"The  Trustees  of  the  Carnegie  Endowment  for  International 
Peace,  assembled  in  annual  meeting  at  Washington,  D.  C, 
on  April  19-20  last,  adopted  the  following  resolution  by  unani- 
mous vote: 

Resolved,  That  the  Trustees  of  the  Carnegie  Endowment  for  Inter- 
national Peace,  assembled  for  their  annual  mit'ting,  declare  hereby  their 
belief  that  the  most  effectual  means  of  promoting  durable  international 
peace  is  to  pro.secute  the  war  against  the  Impx^rial  German  Government 
to  final  victory  for  democracy,  in  accordance  with  the  policy  declared  by 
the  President  of  the  United  States. 

9 


10  THE  WAR  FOR  PEACE 

"In  view  of  recent  events,  emphasized  by  the  widespread 
intrigues  of  the  German  Government  to  deceive  and  mislead 
the  peace-loving  people  of  the  world,  the  Executive  Committee 
of  the  Peace  Endowment  unanimously  reaffirms  this  declaration 
and  pledges  the  Carnegie  Endowment  for  International  Peace 
to  the  loyal  support  of  those  courses  of  action  that  will  assure 
early,  complete,  and  final  victory  for  the  arms  of  the  Allied 
forces.  The  path  to  durable  international  peace,  on  which  the 
liberty-loving  nations  of  the  world  would  so  gladly  enter,  is  now 
blocked  by  the  blind  reliance  of  Germany  upon  the  invincibility 
of  German  military  power  and  upon  its  effectiveness  as  an  instru-- 
ment  of  international  policy.  This  reliance  must  be  broken 
before  any  other  effective  steps  can  be  taken  to  secure  inter- 
national peace.     It  can  only  be  broken  by  defeat. 

"The  Executive  Committee  of  the  Carnegie  Endowment  call 
upon  all  lovers  of  peace  to  assist  in  every  possible  way  in  the 
effective  prosecution  of  the  war  which  has  peace  and  not  con- 
quest for  its  airn." 


III.     League  to  Enforce  Peace 

The  League  to  Enforci;  Vvncv  was  orgunized  in  Pliilud(;lpliiu,  June  17, 
1915.  It  proposes  tliut  a  League  of  Nations  be  created  at  the  end  of  the 
present  war  for  the  purpose  of  setting  uj)  a  Judicial  Tribunal  and  a  Council 
of  Conciliation,  and  of  using  jointly  economic  and  military  force  against  any 
nation  belonging  to  the  League  that  goes  to  war  without  first  placing  the 
questions  involved  either  before  the  Court  or  Council  of  Conciliation.  It 
proposes,  finally,  that  Conferences  shall  be  held  from  time  to  time  for  the 
purpose  of  formulating  and  codifying  rules  of  international  law.  The  head- 
quarters of  the  League  are  at  70  Fifth  Avenue,  New  York  City.  Its  officers 
are:  William  H.  Taft,  President;  Alton  B.  Parker,  Vice-President;  Herbert  S. 
Houston,  Treasurer;  William  H.  Short,  Secretary;  Irwin  Smith,  Assistant 
Secretary  and  Treasurer;  Executive  Committee,  A.  Lawrence  Lowell,  Chair- 
man; Hamilton  Holt,  Theodore  Maibui'g,  Edward  A.  Filene,  Vice-Chairmen . 

The  League's  relation  to  the  present  war  has  been  set  forth  officially  as 
follows: 

The  League  to  Enforce  Peace  is  committed  in  advance  to  the 
support  of  the  war  against  Prussian  MiUtarism.  In  June,  1915, 
it  put  forth  a  series  of  proposals  advocating  a  permanent  League 
of  Nations,  pledged  to  joint  military  action  against  an  aggressive 
nation  that  refused  to  submit  its  dispute  to  arbitration.  This 
policy  the  League  has  been  urging  steadily  ever  since.  The 
United  States  has  now  become  a  member  of  what  Secretary  of 
War  Baker  has  called  "a  league  to  enforce  peace  with  justice." 
We  are  engaged  with  our  allies  in  precisely  the  kind  of  a  war 
the  League's  program  holds  to  be  both  justifiable  and  neces- 
sary. Having  advanced  the  principle  of  joint  action  against 
an  aggressor,  the  League  is  bound  to  throw  its  moral  supix)rt 
behind  the  war,  and  to  give  it  all  the  material  support  that  its 
widespread  and  powerful  organization  can  contril)Ute.  An  organi- 
zation so  committed  cannot  do  other  than  to  insist  that  the  war 
shall  continue  until  Prussian  ^lilitarism  is  destroyed,  either  by 
Allied  force  or  by  the  uprising  of  a  German  democracy,  and  a 
league  of  nations  is  established  as  a  guaranty  of  permanent  peace. 

The  supreme  task  before  the  country  is  that  of  conserving 
its  life  and  institutions  by  winning  the  war  against  Prussian 
Militarism.  Equally  necessary  to  the  interests  of  humanity  is 
the  preventing  in  the  future  of  just  .such  assaults  on  the  rights 

11 


12  THE  WAR  FOR  PEACE 

and  liberties  of  the  world  as  Germany  is  now  making,  thus 
rendering  it  virtually  impossible  for  such  a  catastrophe  as  the 
present  war  to  overwhelm  us  again. 

The  President  of  the  League,  Hon.  ^^'illiam  H.  Taft,  writes: 

England,  France,  Russia,  Italy,  and  now  the  United  States, 
as  Allies,  are  engaged  in  the  greatest  war  of  history  to  secure 
permanent  world  peace.  With  twenty  or  more  millions  of  men 
at  the  colors,  with  losses  in  dead,  wounded,  and  captured  of 
more  than  twenty-five  per  cent,  with  debts  piling  mountain- 
high  and  reaching  many,  many  billions,  they  are  fighting  for  a 
definite  purpose,  and  that  is  the  defeat  of  German  militarism. 

If  the  Prussian  military  caste  retains  its  power  to  control  the 
military  and  foreign  policy  of  Germany  after  the  war,  peace  will 
not  be  permanent,  and  war  will  begin  again  when  the  chauvinistic 
advisers  of  the  Hohenzollern  dynast\-  deem  a  conquest  and 
victory  possible. 

The  Allies  have  made  a  stupendous  effort  and  have  strained 
their  utmost  capacity.  Unready  for  the  war,  they  have  concen- 
trated their  energy  in  preparation.  In  this  important  respect 
they  have  defeated  the  plan  of  German}-  "in  shining  armor"  to 
crush  her  enemies  in  their  unreadiness. 

But  the  war  has  not  been  won,  Germany  is  in  possession  of 
Belgium  and  part  of  northern  France.  She  holds  Serbia  and 
Roiimania,  Poland  and  the  Baltic  Provinces  of  Russia.  Peace 
now,  even  though  it  be  made  on  the  basis  of  the  restoration  of 
the  status  quo,  * 'without  indemnities  and  without  annexations," 
would  be  a  failure  to  achieve  the  great  purpose  for  which  the 
Allies  have  made  heartrending  sacrifice.  Armaments  would 
continue  for  the  next  war,  and  this  war  would  have  been  fought 
in  vain.  The  millions  of  lives  lost  and  the  hundreds  of  billions' 
worth  of  the  product  of  men's  labor,  would  be  w-asted. 

He  who  proposes  peace  now,  therefore,  either  does  not  see  the 
stake  for  which  the  Allies  are  fighting,  or  wishes  the  German 
military  autocracy  still  to  control  the  destinies  of  all  of  us  as. 
to  peace  or  war.  Those  who  favor  permanent  world  peace  must 
oppose  with  might  and  main  the  proposals  for  peace  at  this 
juncture  in  the  war. 

The  Allies  are  fighting  for  a  principle  the  maintenance  of  which 


TUE  WAR  FOR  PEACE  13 

affects  the  future  of  civilization.  If  tlicy  do  not  achieve  it  they 
have  sacrificed  the  flower  of  their  youth  and  mortgaged  their 
future  for  a  century,  and  all  for  nothing. 

This  is  not  a  war  in  which  the  stake  is  territory  or  the  sphere 
of  influence  of  one  nation  over  another.  The  Allies  cannot 
concede  peace  until  they  conquer  it.  When  they  do  so,  it  will 
be  permanent.     Otherwise  they  fail. 

There  ai'e  wars  like  that  between  Japan  and  Russia,  in  which 
President  Roosevelt  properly  and  successfully  intervened  to  bring 
about  a  peace  that  helped  the  parties  to  a  settlement.  The  prin- 
ciple at  stake  and  the  power  and  territory  were  of  such  a  char- 
acter that  a  settlement  might  be  made  substantially  permanent. 
But  the  present  issue  is  like  that  in  our  Civil  War,  which  was 
whether  the  Union  was  to  be  preserved  and  the  cancer  of  slaver\" 
was  to  be  cut  out.  Peace  proposals  to  President  Lincoln  were 
quite  as  numerous  as  those  of  to-day,  and  were  moved  by  quite 
as  high  motives.  But  there  was  no  compromise  possible. 
Slavery  and  disunion  either  lost  or  won.  So  today  the  great 
moral  object  of  the  war  must  be  achieved  or  defeated. 


IV.     The  American  School  Peace  League 

The  headquarters  of  the  American  School  Peace  League  are  in  Boston,  and 
its  officers  for  1916-17  were:  Honorary  president,  William  Howard  Taft; 
president,  Randall  J.  Condon,  Superintendent  of  Schools,  Cincinnati,  Ohio; 
treasurer,  William  W.  Andrew,  Superintendent  of  Schools,  Salem,  Mass.; 
secretary,  Mrs.  Fannie  Fern  Andrews;  vice-presidents — David  Starr  Jordan, 
Philander  P.  Claxton,  James  H.  Van  Sickle,  William  H.  IMaxwell,  BenBlewett, 
Charles  E.  Chadsey,  F.  E.  Spaulding,  Mrs.  Mary  C.  C.  Bradford,  Miss  Mary 
E.  Woolley,  Endicott  Peabody,  Miss  Jane  Addams,  S.  C.  Mitchell,  ISIiss 
Ellen  C.  Sabin,  Mrs.  Josephine  C.  Preston,  Joseph  Swain,  E.  C.  Warriner, 
L.  R.  Alderman,  Frank  B.  Cooper. 

The  following  is  an  official  statement  of  the  policy  and  acti^'^ties  of  the 
League  during  the  war: 

A  few  days  after  the  United  States  declared  war  on  the  Im- 
perial German  Government,  the  Secretary  of  the  American 
School  Peace  League  issued  "A  Call  to  Patriotic  Service,"  ad- 
dressed to  the  teachers  of  the  United  States.  This  call  included 
the  program  of  the  League  during  the  war,  which  is  as  follows: 

To  maintain  a  civic  and  moral  stability  among  the  youth  of  the  country. 
To  inspire  anew  a  love  of  American  institutions  and  American  ideals. 
To  foster  civic  ser^'ice  appropriate  to  youth,  consciously  entered  upon 

for  the  nation's  welfare. 
To  promote  an  interchange  of  good- will  regardless  of  race  or  nationality. 
To  teach  the  value  of  arbitration,  conciliation,  and  judicial  .settlement. 
To  hold  to  the  ideal  of  the  ultimate  triumph  of  democracy. 

Early  in  the  autumn  of  1917,  the  Executive  Committee  of 
the  American  School  Peace  League  announced  its  policy  to 
cooperate  with  the  President  in  his  aim  to  safeguard  the  prin- 
ciple of  democracy  throughout  the  world.  In  taking  this  stand, 
the  committee  acted  in  line  with  the  general  aim  of  the  League, 
which  has  always  been  to  lay  the  foundation  for  a  durable  peace, 
for  which  the  LTnited  States  is  now  fighting.  The  members  of 
the  committee  a.ssert  that  nothing  should  be  done  which  could 
not  be  endorsed  by  the  State  Department,  and  they  pledge 
their  wholehearted  support  to  the  Government  in  this  struggle 
for  freedom. 

The   League   responded   to  the  letter  of  President   Wilson, 

addressed  to  School  Officers  on  August  23,  1917,  in  which  the 

14 


THE  ^^•AR  FOR  PEACE  15 

President  appealed  for  such  teaching  in  the  schools  as  would  give 
"a  new  appreciation  of  the  problems  of  national  life  and  a  deeper 
understanding  of  the  meaning  and  aims  of  democracy."  Under 
the  title,  "A  Plan  to  Cooperate  with  President  Wilson  in  the 
Project  outlined  in  his  Letter  to  School  Officers  on  August  23, 
1917,"  the  League  issued  the  announcement  of  its  Prize  Essay 
Contest  to  the  secondary  and  normal  schools  of  the  country,  the 
subject  for  the  secondary  schools  being,  "How  should  the  World 
be  Organized  so  as  to  Prevent  Wars  in  the  Future;"  and  that  for 
the  normal  schools,  "The  Teaching  of  Democracy  as  a  Factor  in 
a  League  of  Nations."  In  sending  out  this  announcement,  the 
League  asked  that  the  essay  contest  be  incorporated  into  the 
regular  work  of  the  school  with  the  distinct  aim  of  cooperating 
with  the  President.  Practically  every  State  in  the  Union  is 
represented  in  this  patriotic  work,  and  many  hundreds  of  schools 
have  introduced  this  studj'  as  an  integral  part  of  the  school 
program. 

Besides  this  nation-wide  stud^-  of  the  meaning  and  aims  of 
democracy,  the  League  is  engaged  in  other  forms  of  cooperative 
service  included  in  its  program  issued  at  the  beginning  of  the  war. 


V.    The  World  Peace  Foundation 

The  World  Peace  Foundation  of  Boston,  Massachusetts,  is  a  corporation 
founded  by  Edwin  Ginn  in  1910.  In  the  language  of  its  by-laws,  its  purpose 
is  to  educate  the  people  of  all  nations  to  a  full  knowledge  of  the  waste  and 
destructiveness  of  war,  its  evil  effects  on  present  social  conditions  and  on  the 
well-being  of  future  generations,  and  to  promote  international  justice  and  the 
brotherhood  of  man;  and,  generally,  by  every  practical  means  to  promote 
yjeace  and  good  will  among  all  mankind.  Its  officers  are:  George  A.  PUmpton, 
President;  Edward  Cummings,  General  Secretary;  Denys  P.  Myers,  Cor- 
responding Secretary.  Its  Board  of  Trustees  is  as  follows:  George  A.  Plimp- 
ton, President;  George  W.  Anderson,  George  H.  Blakeslee,  Samuel  T.  Dutton, 
Samuel  J.  Elder,  William  H.  P.  Faunce,  A.  LawTence  Lowell,  Samuel  W. 
McCall,  Albert  E.  Pillsbury,  Joseph  Swain. 

This  Foundation  officially  says  that: 

It  will  support  the  efforts  of  the  United  States  Government 
and  the  Allies  to  win  the  war  and  set  up  an  international  organ- 
ization which  Avill  guarantee  permanent  peace  with  justice,  and 
so  make  the  world  safe  for  democra"v  and  civihzation. 


16 


VI.     Women  Peace  Workers 

The  following  statement,  sent  to  the  American  Peace  Society  under  date 
of  December  29,  1917,  was  signed  by  Mrs.  Fannie  Fern  Andrews,  Mrs. 
David  Cheever,  Mrs.  J.  Malcom  Forbes,  Miss  Katharine  McDowell  Rice, 
Mrs.  John  Richardson,  Jr.  These  women  are  well  known  workers  for  world 
peace,  prominent  in  the  Woman's  Peace  Partj",  in  the  Ma-ssachusetts  Peace 
Society,  and  similar  organizations.  Mrs.  Andrews  is  secretary  of  the  Amer- 
ican School  Peace  League  and,  as  is  Mrs.  Forbes,  a  Director  of  the  American 
Peace  Society.     The  statement  reads: 

We  believe  today,  what  we  have  alwaj's  beheved,  that  civihza- 
tion  demands  the  abohtion  of  tlie  war  system,  and  that  men  and 
women  can  devote  themselves  to  nothing  higher  than  to  work 
for  this  abolition. 

Since  the  world  had  not  advanced  far  enough  toward  world 
federation  to  make  the  present  war  impossible,  we,  while  hold- 
ing the  above  ideal,  find  ourselves  in  agreement  with  the  policy 
that  it  be  fought  until  the  German  people  are  able  and  willing 
to  make  a  peace  based  on  the  cooperation  of  law-abiding  nations, 
leaving  no  possibility  of  world  domination  by  any  imperialistic 
autocracy. 

We  believe  that  in  taking  up  arms  against  the  German  Govern- 
ment the  United  States  is  fighting  to  dethrone  a  tyranny  that 
threatens,  in  the  words  of  the  President,  "to  master  and  debase 
men  everywhere." 

We  are  convinced  that  our  ultimate  goal, — the  establishment 
of  a  durable  peace  through  international  organization, — car 
now  be  reached  only  after  the  defeat  of  German  might.  We 
recognize  the  unwavering  policy  of  President  Wilson,  as  shown 
in  his  public  utterances,  to  use  the  instrument  of  statesmanship 
whenever  and  wherever  this  may  contribute  to  the  reahzation 
of  our  purpose  in  this  war.  Therefore  we  believe  that  those  who 
are  working  to  the  end  that  this  shall  be  the  last  war,  should 
declare  themselves  to  be  loyal  to  our  CJovernment,  and  should 
support  it  in  every  way  possible,  in  its  aim  to  make  the  world 
safe  for  democracy. 

Further,  we  believe  that  nothing  should  be  done  to  obstruct 
the  waging  of  this  war.  We  feel  that  those  persons  who  are 
continually  rebuking  the  Government  for  our  entrance  into  h, 

]7 


_o  THE  WAR  FOR  PEACE 

and  wlxo  are  constantly  calling  at  this  time  for  peace,  are  pro- 
longing the  war.  We  recognize  the  necessity  of  a  rigid  regime 
during  its  course,  and  we  are  glad  to  bear  a  temporarj^  curtail- 
ment of  our  freedom  for  the  ultimate  realization  of  world  freedom. 
While  not  relinquishing  for  a  moment  the  many  kinds  of  war 
relief  activities  to  which  we  all  are  pledged,  we  feel  that  the 
imperative  duty  of  every  American  is  to  promote  the  idea  of  a 
League  of  Nations,  and  to  stimulate  the  study  of  the  intricate 
problems  which  the  world  will  have  to  face  at  the  Great  Settle- 
ment. We  believe  that  it  is  to  this  vital  and  far-reaching  con- 
structive and  educational  work,  as  well  as  to  relief  work,  that 
peace  organizations  should  devote  themselves  during  the  war. 


VII.    The  Churches 

The  churches  o!  the  United  States,  irrespective  of  denomination,  are 
practically  a  unit  in  the  support  of  the  Government  in  the  prosecution  of  the 
war.  The  following  from  the  American  Branch  of  the  World  Alliance  for 
Promoting  International  Friendship  through  the  Churches,  headquarters 
105  East  22d  Street,  New  York  City,  may  be  said  to  be  typical  of  the  spirit 
of  American  churches  generally.  Christian  and  non-Christian: 

As  the  United  States  enters  the  Great  War,  the  forces  of  the 
nation  are  mobihzing  for  the  conflict.  What  is  the  place  of  the 
Church  in  this  hour  of  crisis  and  danger?  It  is  to  spiritualize  the 
nation;  to  keep  the  war  a  conflict  for  righteousness,  liberty,  and 
democracy;  to  hearten  and  encourage  the  men  who  go  to  the 
front,  and  their  loved  ones  at  home;  to  build  a  greater  Fellow- 
ship of  Reconciliation,  consisting  of  millions  who  while  fighting 
will  love  their  enemies;  to  wage  this  war  with  the  determination 
to  make  an  end  of  war;  to  so  hate  war  as  to  be  restrained  in  its 
glorification,  noble  as  is  this  conflict,  lest  the  hold  of  war  upon 
the  imagination  of  our  3'outh  be  strengthened;  to  give  itself 
unstintedly  to  the  relief  of  the  suffering  at  home  and  abroad 
which  the  war  has  brought  and  will  yet  bring  upon  the  world. 

In  view  of  existing  world  conditions  the  American  Branch  of 
the  World  Alliance  makes  the  following  declaration  in  regard  to 
the  duty  resting  upon  the  Church: 

The  Church  of  Christ  in  America  should  prove  itself  the  loyal 
and  efficient  servant  of  the  nation  in  this  time  of  testing.  It 
should  bear  upon  the  heart  the  President  and  other  national 
leaders  and  the  men  in  service,  ever  praying  and  striving  that 
the  cause  to  which  the  Nation  has  dedicated  itself  may  be  car- 
ried through  to  high  achievement. 

The  Church  in  all  its  branches  should  huml)ly  and  devoutly 
pray  for  recovery  of  the  lost  consciousness  of  its  essential  unity 
and  universality  in  Christ,  establishing  in  its  membership  the 
feeling  of  a  fellowship  that  transcends  the  barriers  of  nation 
and  race.  It  should  be  the  "light"  and  the  "leaven"  of  the 
world,  a  living  bond  holding  the  nations  together  in  righteousness 
and  service. 

The  Church  should  build  in  all  its  branches  throughout  Chris- 

19 


20  THE  WAR  FOR  PEACE 

tendom  a  world-fellowship  of  goodwill  and  reconciliation.  It 
should  practice  self-sacrificing  service  in  the  relief  of  suffering, 
earnestly  cultivate  love  of  enemies,  and  stand  ready  to  share 
in  the  pressing  tasks  of  reconstruction  and  rehabilitation  when 
this  war  is  ended. 

The  Church  should  teach  mankind  that  God's  laws  cover  the 
whole  of  human  life,  individual,  national,  and  international.  It 
should  deepen  the  desire  for  national  righteousness  and  truth, 
unselfishness  and  brotherliness. 

The  Church  should  add  its  strength  to  the  movement  for 
establishing  right  international  relations  on  an  enduring  basis. 
It  should  vigorously  press  for  a  League  of  Nations,  having  such 
features  as  periodic  conferences,  a  world  court,  commissions  of 
inquiry,  boards  of  conciliation  and  arbitration,  and  adequate 
administrative  agencies,  to  the  end  that  national  sovereignty 
shall  be  more  properly  related  to  international  judgment  and 
opinion. 

The  Churches  of  America  should  support  the  policies  announced 
by  President  Wilson  in  his  reply  to  the  Pope  :  "Punitive  damages, 
dismemberment  of  empires,  the  establishment  of  selfish  and 
exclusive  economic  leagues  we  deem  inexpedient  and  in  the  end 
worse  than  futile,  no  proper  basis  for  a  peace  of  any  kind,  least  of 
all  for  an  enduring  peace.  That  must  be  based  upon  justice  and 
fairness  and  the  common  rights  of  mankind." 

American  Christians  have  in  addition  their  own  special  and 
personal  tasks  in  the  relations  of  America  to  the  Far  East. 
They  should  strive  to  secure  Federal  legislation  providing  for 
the  adequate  protection  of  aliens,  the  loyal  observance  of  treaties, 
the  early  removal  of  all  causes  of  irritation,  and  a  fundamental 
solution  of  the  whole  Asiatic  problem. 

These  are  the  principles  and  the  program  by  which  to  secure 
world  justice,  goodwill,  and  enduring  peace.  All  American 
churches  and  Christians  should  take  part  in  establishing  these 
principles  and  in  securing  these  ends. 

The  following  from  the  War-Time  Message  of  the  Federal  Council  of  the 
C^hurches  of  Christ  in  America,  under  date  of  May  8-9,  1917,  is  a  further 
expression  of  the  Christian  position: 

Almighty  God,  Father  of  men.  Ruler  and  Judge  of  nations, 


THE  WAR  lOll  1']::ACE  21 

have  mercy  upon  us,  wc  pray  Thee,  and  strengthen  us  as  mem- 
bers of  the  Church  of  Christ  to  meet  with  courage  and  fidehty 
the  special  duties  of  these  times.  Give  us  grace,  we  beseech 
Thee: 

To  purge  our  own  hearts  clean  of  arrogance  and  selfishness; 

To  steady  and  inspire  the  nation; 

To  keep  ever  before  the  eyes  of  ourselves  and  of  our  Allies  the 
ends  for  which  wc  fight; 

To  hold  our  own  nation  true  to  its  professed  aims  of  justice, 
liberty,  and  brotherhood; 

To  testify  to  our  fellow-Christians  in  every  land,  most  of  all 
to  those  from  whom  for  the  time  we  are  estranged,  our  conscious- 
ness of  unbroken  unity  in  Christ; 

To  unite  in  the  fellowship  of  service  multitudes  who  love 
their  enemies  and  are  ready  to  join  with  them  in  rebuilding  the 
waste  places  as  soon  as  peace  shall  come; 

To  be  diligent  in  works  of  relief  and  mercy,  not  forgetting  those 
ministries  to  the  spirit  to  which,  as  Christians,  we  are  especially 
committed; 

To  keep  alive  the  spirit  of  prayer,  that  in  these  times  of  strain 
and  sorrow  men  may  be  sustained  by  the  consciousness  of  the 
presence  and  power  of  God; 

To  hearten  those  who  go  to  the  front,  and  to  comfort  their 
loved  ones  at  home; 

To  care  for  the  welfare  of  our  .young  men  in  the  army  and 
navy,  that  they  may  be  fortified  in  character  and  made  strong 
to  resist  temptation; 

To  be  vigilant  against  every  attempt  to  arouse  the  opirit  of 
vengeance  and  unjust  suspicion  toward  those  of  foreign  birth  or 
sympathies; 

To  protect  the  rights  of  conscience  against  ever}'  attempt  to 
invade  them; 

To  maintain  our  Christian  institutions  and  activities  unim- 
paired, to  be  diligent  in  the  observance  of  the  Lord's  Day  and 
in  the  study  of  the  Hol}^  Scriptures,  that  the  soul  of  our  nation 
may  be  nourished  and  renewed  through  the  worship  and  service 
of  Almighty  God; 

To  guard  the  gains  of  education,  of  social  progress  and  of 
economic  freedom,  won  at  so  great  a  cost,  and  to  make  full  use 


22  THE  WAR  FOR  PEACE 

of  the  occasion  to  set  them  still  further  forward,  even  by  and 
through  the  war; 

To  keep  the  open  mind  and  the  forward  look,  that  the  lessons 
learned  in  war  may  not  be  forgotten  when  comes  that  just  and 
sacred  peace  for  which  we  pray; 

Above  all,  to  call  men  everywhere  to  new  obedience  to  the 
will  of  our  Father  God,  who  in  Christ  has  given  Himself  in 
supreme  self-sacrifice  for  the  redemption  of  the  world,  and  who 
invites  us  to  share  with  Him  His  ministry  of  reconciliation. 

We  humbly  beseech  Thee  to  hear  us  through  Jesus  Christ  our 
Lord.     Amen. 


VIII.     Belgian  Relief  Workers 

Mr.  Herbert  C.  Hoover,  Chairman  of  the  American  Commission  for  Relief 
in  Belgium,  sent  the  following  cablegram  to  President  Wilson  on  April  3,  1917: 

The  members  of  the  American  Commission  for  relief  in  Belgium 
ask  me  to  transmit  to  you  an  expression  of  imited  devotion  and  of 
our  admiration  for  the  courage  and  wisdom  of  your  leadership. 
We  wish  to  tell  3^ou  that  there  is  no  word  in  your  historic  state- 
ment to  Congress  that  does  not  find  a  response  in  all  our  hearts. 

For  two  and  a  half  years  we  have  been  obliged  to  remain  silent 
witnesses  of  the  character  of  the  forces  dominating  this  war,  but 
we  are  now  at  liberty  to  say  that,  although  we  break  with  great 
regret  our  association  with  many  German  individuals  who  have 
given  sympathetic  support  to  our  work,  yet  your  message  enun- 
ciates our  conviction,  born  of  our  intimate  experience  and  contact 
that  there  is  no  hope,  no  democracy  or  liberalism,  and  conse- 
quently no  real  peace  and  safety  of  our  country,  unless  the  system 
which  brought  the  world  into  this  unfathomable  misery  can  be 
stamped  out  once  for  all. 

Mr.  Vernon  Kellogg,  who  for  two  years  was  with  the  Commission  for 
Belief  in  Belgium,  writes  as  follows  in  the  Atlantic  Monthly  for  August,  1917: 

.  .  .  I  went  into  Northern  France  and  Belgium  to  act  as 
a  neutral,  and  I  did  act  as  a  neutral  all  the  time  I,  was  there. 
If  I  learned  there  anything  of  military  value  which  could  be  used 
against  the  Germans  I  shall  not  reveal  it.  But  I  came  out  no 
neutral.  Also  I  went  in  an  ardent  hater  of  war  and  I  came  out 
a  mors  ardent  one.  I  have  seen  that  side  of  the  horror  and 
waste  and  outrage  of  war  which  is  worse  than  the  side  revealed 
on  the  battlefield.     How  I  hope  for  the  end  of  all  war! 

But  I  have  come  out  believing  that  that  cannot  come  until  any 
people  which  has  dedicated  itself  to  the  philosophy  and  practice 
of  war  as  a  means  of  human  advancement  is  put  into  a  position 
of  impotence  to  indulge  its  belief  at  will.  My  conviction  is  that 
Germany  is  such  a  people,  and  that  it  can  be  put  into  this  position 
only  by  the  result  of  war  itself.  It  knows  no  other  argument  and 
it  will  accept  no  other  decision. 


23 


IX.    Clarence  Darrow,  of  Chicago 

Clarence  Darrcrvv,  lawyer,  pacifist,  representative  of  workingmen's  in- 
terests, author  and  platform  speaker,  and  formerly  member  of  the  Illinois 
State  Legislature,  recently  delivered  an  address,  published  in  the  Santa  Fe 
Magazine  for  December,  1917,  from  which  the  following  extracts  are  taken: 

.  I  notice  that  the  pro-Germans  in  the  last  few  months 
have  changed  to  pacifists — and  a  German  pacifist  makes  me 
smile.  I  find  the  arguments  that  were  once  used  by  German 
sympathizers  are  today  the  arguments  of  the  pacifists. 

We  were  told  that  we  should  be  neutral  in  this  great  war.  For 
almost  three  years  America  was  neutral — while  the  world  was 
burning.  For  nearly  three  years  we  contented  ourselves  with 
selling  cannon  and  shot  and  powder  to  poor,  fighting  France. 
While  America  was  neutral  I  was  one  American  who  was  never 
neutral.  I  knew  which  side  I  was  on  the  day  that  the  German 
criminal  military  machine  invaded  Belgium.  1  did  not  stop  to 
think.  I  only  felt.  In  a  great  crisis  like  that  I  would  be  ashamed 
to  think.  I  have  never  been  neutral  on  anything.  No  doubt 
I  have  often  been  wrong— but  not  neutral.  And  on  any  great 
question  that  involves  the  rights  and  liberties  of  men  no  one 
can  be  so  far  wrong  as  to  be  neutral.  If  you  are  a  partisan  you 
have  at  least  once  chance  in  two  of  being  right;  if  you  are  neutral 
you  have  no  chance  to  be  right. 

Our  American  pacifists  sat  neutral  while  Belgium  was  invaded, 
while  France  was  invaded,  while  the  submarines  were  killing 
their  victims  upon  the  "German  ocean,"  Mdiile  they  were  giving 
their  orders  to  America,  a  people  of  one  hundred  million  souls — 
although  I  doubted  the  souls  while  we  were  taking  orders.  But 
we  have  found  them  now,  at  last,  late  though  it  be,  and  our 
people  will  never  rest  until  victory  is  won. 

When  I  hear  a  man  advising  the  American  people  to  state 
the  terms  of  peace,  I  know  he  is  working  for  Germany.  He  may 
not  know  it,  but  I  know  it.  I  think  that  we  at  least  should 
begin  to  fight  before  we  tell  when  we  will  stop.  There  is  nobody 
on  earth  who  knows  when  or  where  we  will  stop  the  war.  Where 
we  stop,  though,  I  hope  will  be  in  Berlin! 

When  this  war  is  over  we  will  all  know  it.  When  Germany  is 

24 


TBE  WAR  FOR  PEACE  25 

fairly  beaten  we  will  find  it  out.  She  probably  won't  be  re- 
pentant, but  some  day  she  will  be  beaten  and  then  we  can  talk 
terms  of  peace,  and  not  until  then. 

I  want  to  refer  to  one  thing  more.  Many  of  my  old  friends 
— that  is,  those  who  were  my  friends — and  some  of  mj'  newer 
friends  say,  "You  are  fighting  to  make  democracy  safe  in  the 
world;  you  are  fighting  for  liberty  on  the  seas,  and  you  arc 
losing  liberty  at  home." 

I  want  to  say  a  word  about  that,  and  I  want  to  say  it  per- 
fectly truthfully  as  I  see  it.  I  will  confess  it  has  given  me  some 
alarm,  more  in  the  beginning  than  it  does  toda^^  I  confess 
that  we  have  interfered  with  meetings  and  with  papers  where 
we  would  not  have  done  it  had  we  not  been  at  war,  but  this 
means  nothing  so  far  as  the  fundamental  purpose,  the  traditions, 
and  the  future  of  America  are  concerned. 

Let  u^  look  at  this  question  carefully.  Possibly  we  could 
have  got  along  with  less  of  it.  I  don't  know.  Those  who  are 
charged  with  the  terrible  responsibility  of  running  this  govern- 
ment know  better  than  I,  and  the  President  himself,  great  and 
wise  as  he  is,  confessed  not  long  ago  in  an  open  letter  to  a  pub- 
lisher who  complained,  that  he  didn't  know  where  to  draw  the 
line,  that  he  had  done  the  best  he  could,  that  he  wanted  to  pre- 
serve liberty,  but  he  wanted  to  preserve  the  United  States  and 
civilization,  and  he  admitted  that  he  may  have  done  it  bung- 
lingly.  And  everyone  must  admit  this,  if  he  thinks  of  it  at  all: 
''I  believe  in  liberty;  I  believe  in  the  greatest  possible  freedom 
of  speech  and  the  press;  but  I  know  this,  that  the  rules  for  war 
and  the  rules  for  peace  are  not  the  same  and  cannot  be  the 
same." 

Our  libertj^  is  not  really  founded  in  our  constitution  and  in  our 
statutes.  These  are  but  the  expression  of  the  faith  of  the  people 
at  the  time  they  are  made.  Real  liberty  rests  in  the  end  in  the 
mind  and  the  hearts  of  the  American  people. 

I  have  no  fear  that  after  the  war  is  over  these  liberties  will 
not  come  back  to  the  people.  We  have'  fought  too  long  for 
them,  we  have  lived  under  them  too  long,  and  there  is  no  danger 
that  the  American  people  will  forget. 

Just  one  thing  more.  I  am  the  last  person  to  claim  that 
everything  is  right  in  America.     When  the  pacifists  talk  with  us 


26  THE  WAR  FOR  PEACE 

about  the  war  they  point  to  the  imperfections  at  home;  and  there 
are  imperfections  here.  I  have  often  criticized  many  of  our 
laws,  our  institutions,  and  our  customs,  and  I  expect  to  do  it 
again.  This  land  is  not  perfect.  Nothing  is.  But,  however 
imperfect,  in  spite  of  all  that  we  should  do  and  I  hope  will  do  in 
future  years,  it  is  still  the  best,  the  greatest,  and  the  freest  country 
on  the  face  of  the  earth.  And  even  though  America  is  not  all 
we  wish  it  were  and  all  we  hope  it  some  time  will  be,  it  is  our 
business  to  preserve  what  we  have  and  make  it  better  than  it  is 
for  the  generations  that  are  to  come  after  we  are  gone. 

I  have  no  time  today  to  discuss  the  troubles  of  America;  no 
time.  I  will  wait  until  tliis  war  is  over.  I  enjoy  discussing 
philosophy,  or  socialism,  or  single  tax,  or  even  religion.  But 
if  I  had  a  neighbor  in  the  house  discussing  socialism,  and  some- 
body told  me  the  house  was  on  fire,  I  would  stop  the  argument 
until  after  I  had  put  out  the  fire. 

Labor  and  capital  must  treat  each  other  fairly  during  this 
great  struggle.  They  must  be  considerate  of  one  another,  for 
we  are  fighting  together.  But  this  is  not  a  time  to  settle  the- 
oretical questions  or  lifelong  differences.  After  the  war  is  over, 
if  need  be,  we  can  take  them  up  again.  But  let  me  say  this: 
I  am  not  naturally  an  optimist;  I  don't  know  whether  this  war 
will  be  the  last  or  not.  It  may  not  be.  It  has  been  the  most 
important.  I  don't  know  what  we  may  get  out  of  the  future. 
No  one  can  tell  what  the  future  has  in  store  for  the  human  race. 
But  I  have  some  faith,  and  I  believe  that  this  world  will  not  be 
the  same  world  again  after  this  war  is  done.  It  will  change  old 
ideas  and  old  institutions,  and  will  build  up  the  new.  I  am 
willing  to  await  any  struggle  between  capital  and  labor.  It 
may  be  that,  as  we  come  together,  the  rich  and  the  poor,  all 
shades  of  opinion,  the  Catholic,  the  Protestant,  the  free-thinker, 
all  classes  of  men,  as  we  come  together  in  one  great  common 
cause  we  may  know  each  other  better  when  the  war  is  done. 
'  It  may  be,  and  it  ought  to  be,  and  I  hope  it  will  be,  that  after 
this  war  is  done  capital  and  labor  will  understand  each  other 
better  than  they  did  when  the  war  began,  and  by  working  to- 
gether, looking  into  each  other's  eyes,  and  living  together,  dying 
together,  helping  each  other  in  the  greatest  effort  of  the  human 
race,  after  the  rich  and  the  poor  and  the  high  and  the  low  have 


THE  WAR  FOR  PEACE  27 

helped  each  other  in  war  they  may  learn  the  great  lesson  that, 
while  mutual  helpfulness  is  good  in  war,  it  may  be  equally  good 
in  peace.  And  I  have  hopes  that  we  shall  learn,  and  that  the  world 
will  be  better  after  the  suffering  and  the  trials  and  the  tribulations 
have  passed,  that  a  better  earth  will  come,  for  all  the  blood  that 
has  been  poured  out  and  enriched  it  and  mellowed  it  and  hal- 
lowed it. 


X.     William  Howard  Taft 

Ex-President  Williiim  Howard  Taft  is  president  of  the  League  to  Enforce 
Peace,  and  vice-president  of  the  American  Peac^  Society.  In  an  address 
before  the  General  Conference  of  the  X^nitarian  and  other  Christian  Churches 
at  Montreal,  Canada,  September  26,  1917,  Mr.  Taft  said: 

.  He  who  proposes  peace  now  either  does  not  see  the 
stake  for  which  the  Allies  are  fighting,  or  wishes  the  German 
military  autocracy  still  to  control  the  destinies  of  all  of  us  as  to 
peace  or  war.  Those  who  favor  permanent  world  peace  must 
oppose  with  might  and  main  the  proposals  for  peace  at  this 
juncture  in  the  war,  whether  made  in  socialistic  councils,  in  pro- 
German  conferences,  or  by  Pope  Benedict.  That  the  Pontiff 
of  the  greatest  Christian  Church  should  wish  to  bring  to  an  end 
a  war  in  which  millions  of  its  communion  are  on  both  sides  is 
to  be  expected.  That  he  should  preserve  a  difficult  neutrality 
is  also  natural.  That  his  high  purpose  is  to  save  the  world  from 
further  suffering  goes  without  saying.  But  the  present  is  not 
the  opportunity  of  an  intervening  peacemaker,  who  must  assume 
that  compromise  is  possible.  The  Allies  are  fighting  for  a 
principle  the  maintenance  of  which  affects  the  future  of  civiliza- 
tion. If  they  do  not  achieve  it  they  have  sacrificed  the  flower 
of  their  youth  and  mortgaged  their  future  for  a  century  and  all 
for  nothing.  This  is  not  a  war  in  which  the  stake  is  territory 
or  the  sphere  of  influence  of  one  nation  over  another.  The 
Allies  cannot  concede  peace  until  they  conquer  it.  When  they 
do  so,  it  will  be  permanent.  Otherwise  they  fail.  There  are 
wars  like  that  between  Japan  and  Russia,  in  which  President 
Roosevelt  properly  and  successfully  intervened  to  bring  about 
a  peace,  and  helped  the  parties  to  a  settlement.  The  principle 
at  stake  and  the  power  and  territory  were  of  such  a  character 
that  a  settlement  might  be  made  substantially  permanent. 
But  the  present  issue  is  like  that  in  our  Civil  War,  which  was 
whether  the  Union  was  to  be  preserved  and  the  cancer  of  slavery 
to  be  cut  out.  Peace  proposals  to  President  Lincoln  were  quite 
as  numerous  as  those  of  today,  and  were  moved  b}'  quite  as  high 
motives.  But  there  was  no  compromise  possible.  Either 
slavery  and  disunion  won  or  lost.  So  today  the  great  moral 
object   of   the    war   must   be    achieved    or   defeated.     . 

28 


THE  WAR  FOR  PEACE  29 

President  Wilson  saj's  the  Allies  are  fighting  to  make  the 
world  safe  for  democracy.  Some  misconception  has  been 
created  on  this  head.  The  Allies  are  not  struggling  to  force  a 
particular  form  of  government  on  Germany.  If  the  Clerman 
people  continue  to  wish  an  Emperor,  it  is  not  the  purpose  of  the 
Alhcs  to  require  them  to  have  a  republic.  Their  purpose  is  to 
end  the  miHtary  policy  and  foreign  policy  of  Germany  that  looks 
to  the  maintenance  of  a  military  and  naval  machine  with  its 
hair-trigger  preparation  for  use  against  her  neighbors.  If  this 
continues,  it  will  entail  on  every  democratic  government  the 
duty  of  maintaining  a  similar  armament  in  self-defense  or,  what 
is  more  likely,  the  dut}-  will  be  wholly  or  partly  neglected. 
Thus  the  polic}-  of  Germany,  with  her  purpose  and  destiny,  will 
threaten  every  democracy.  This  is  the  condition  which  it  is  the 
determined  purpose  of  the  Allies,  as  interpreted  b}'  President 
Wilson,  to  change. 

How  is  the  change  to  be  effected?  By  defeating  Germany  in 
this  war.  The  German  people  have  been  verj'  loyal  to  their 
Emperor  because  his  leadership  accords  with  the  false  philosophy 
of  the  State  and  German  destinj^  with  which  they  have  been 
indoctrinated  and  poisoned.  A  defeat  of  the  military  machine, 
a  defeat  of  the  Frankenstein  of  the  militarj^  dynasty,  to  which 
they  have  been  sacrificed,  must  open  their  ej'-es  to  the  hideous 
futility  of  their  political  course.  The  German  Government  will 
then  be  changed  as  its  people  will  have  it  changed,  to  avoid  a 
recurrence  of  such  a  tragedy  as  they  have  deliberately  prepared 
for  themselves. 

Men  who  see  clearly  the  kind  of  peace  which  we  must  have,  in 
order  to  be  a  real  and  lasting  peace,  can  have  no  sj'mpathy 
therefore  with  a  patched-up  peace,  one  made  at  a  coulicil  table, 
the  result  of  diplomatic  chaffering  and  bargaining.  Men  who 
look  forward  to  a  League  of  the  World  to  Enforce  Peace  in  the 
future  can  have  no  patience  with  a  compromise  that  leaves  the 
promoting  cause  of  the  present  awful  v/ar  unaffected  and  un- 
removed.  This  war  is  now  being  fought  b}'  the  Allies  as  a 
League  to  Enforce  Peace.  Unless  they  compel  it  bj^  victory-, 
they  do  not  enforce  it.  They  do  not  make  the  military  autoc- 
racies of  the  world  into  nations  fit  for  a  World  League,  unless 
they  convince  them  by  a  lesson  of  defeat. 


30  THE  WAR  FOR  PEACE 

And  now  what  of  the  United  States?  When  the  war  came  on, 
there  were  a  few  in  the  United  States  who  fe-t  that  the  invasion 
of  Belgium  required  a  protest  on  the  part  of  our  Government, 
and  some  indeed  who  felt  that  we  should  join  in  the  war  at 
once,  but  the  great  body  of  the  American  people,  influenced  by 
our  traditional  policy  of  avoiding  European  quarrels,  stood  by 
the  Administration  in  desiring  to  maintain  a  strict  neutrality. 
I  think  it  is  not  unfair  to  say  that  a  very  large  proportion  of  the 
intelligent  and  thinking  people  of  the  United  States — and  that 
means  a  majority — sympathized  with  the  Allies  in  the  struggle 
which  they  were  making. 

But  many  with  us  of  German  descent,  prompted  by  a  pride  in 
the  notable  advance  in  the  world  of  German  enterprise,  German 
ingenuity,  German  discipline,  German  efficiency,  and  regarding 
the  struggle  as  an  issue  between  Teuton  and  Slav,  extended 
their  sympathy  to  their  Fatherland.  As  conscientiously  as 
possible  the  Administration  and  the  country  pursued  the  course 
laid  down  by  international  law  as  that  which  a  neutral  should 
take.  International  law  is  the  rule  of  conduct  of  nations  toward 
one  another,  accepted  and  acquiesced  in  by  all  nations.  It  is 
not  always  as  definite  as  one  would  like,  and  the  acquiescence  of 
all  nations  is  not  always  as  clearly  established  as  it  ought  to  be. 
But  in  the  law  of  war  as  tc  capture  at  sea  of  commercial  vessels, 
the  principles  have  been  established  clearly  by  the  decision  of 
prize  courts  of  all  nations,  English,  American,  Prussian,  and 
French.  The  right  of  non-combatants  on  commercial  vessels, 
officers,  crew,  and  passengers,  either  enemy  or  neutral,  to  be 
secure  from  danger  of  life  has  always  been  recognized  and  never 
contested.  Nevertheless,  Germany  sank  without  warning  150 
American  citizens,  men,  women  and  children,  and  sent  them  to 
their  death  by  a  submarine  torpedo,  simply  because  they  hap- 
pened to  be  on  English  or  American  commercial  vessels.  We 
protested  and  Germany  halted  for  a  time.  We  thought  that  if 
we  condoned  the  death  of  150,  we  might  still  maintain  peace 
with  that  power.  But  it  was  not  to  be,  and  after  more  than  a 
year  Germany  announced  her  purpose  to  resume  this  murderous 
and  illegal  course  toward  innocent  Americans.  Had  we  hesi- 
tated, we  would  have  lost  our  independence  as  a  people.  We 
would  have  subscribed  abjectly  to  the  doctrine  that  might  makes 


THE  WAR  FOR  PEACE  31 

right.  Germany  left  no  door  opon  to  us  as  a  self-respecting 
nation  except  that  which  led  to  war.  She  dehherately  forced  us 
into  the  ranks  of  her  enemies,  and  she  did  it  because  she  was 
obsessed  with  the  behef  that  the  submarine  was  the  instrument 
of  destruction  by  which  she  might  win  the  war.  She  recked 
not  that,  as  she  used  it,  it  was  a  weapon  of  murder  of  innocents. 
Making  mihtary  efficiency  her  god,  and  exalting  the  apphancea 
of  science  in  the  kilhng  of  men,  she  ignored  all  other  consequences. 

Germany's  use  of  the  sul)marine  brought  us  into  the  war. 
But  being  in,  we  recognize  as  fully  as  any  of  the  Allies  do  its 
far  greater  issue  to  be  whether  German  militarism  shall  con- 
tinue after  this  war  to  be  a  threat  to  the  peace  of  the  world,  or 
whether  we  shall  end  that  threat  by  this  struggle  in  which  we 
are  to  spend  our  life's  blood.  We  must  not  therefore  be  turned 
from  the  stern  necessity  of  winning  this  war. 

When  the  war  began  and  its  horrible  character  was  soon  dis- 
closed, there  were  many  religious  persons  who  found  their  faith 
in  God  shaken  by  the  fact  that  millions  of  innocent  persons 
could  be  headed  into  this  vortex  of  blood  and  destruction  with- 
out the  saving  intervention  of  their  Creator.  But  the  progress 
of  the  war  has  revealed  much,  and  it  has  stimulated  our  just 
historic  sense.  It  shows  what  the  world  has  become,  through  the 
initiative  of  Germany  and  the  following  on  of  the  other  nations, 
afflicted  with  the  cancer  of  militarism.  God  reveals  the  great- 
ness of  His  power  and  His  omnipotence  not  b}''  fortuitous  and 
sporadic  intervention,  but  bj'"  the  working  out  of  His  inexorable 
law.  A  cancer  if  it  is  not  to  consume  the  body  must  be  cut  out, 
and  the  cutting  of  it  necessarily  involves  suffering  and  pain  in 
the  body.  The  sacrifices  of  lives  and  treasure  are  inevitable  in 
the  working  out  of  the  cure  of  the  World  Malady.  But  we  must 
win  the  war  to  vindicate  this  view. 

We  are  now  able  to  see  the  Providential  punishment  and  weak- 
ness that  follows  the  violation  of  moral  law.  The  crass  mate- 
rialism of  the  German  philosophy  that  exalts  force  above  mo- 
rality, power  above  honor  and  decency,  success  above  humanity, 
has  blinded  the  German  ruling  caste  to  the  strength  of  moral 
motives  that  control  other  peoples,  and  involved  them  in  the 
fundamental  mistakes  that  will  cause  their  downfall.  They 
assumed  that  England,  burdened  with  Ireland,  would  violate 


32  THE  WAR  FOR  PEACE 

her  own  obligation  r^nd  abandon  Belgium  and  would  leave  her 
Ally  France  to  be  deprived  of  all  her  colonial  possessions.  They 
assumed  that  France  was  decadent,  permeated  with  socialism, 
and  unable  to  make  a  contest  in  her  state  of  unpreparedness. 
They  assumed  that  England's  colonies,  attached  only  by  the 
lightest  tie,  and  entirely  independent  if  they  chose  to  be,  would 
not  sacrifice  themselves  to  help  the  mother  land  in  her  struggle. 
How  false  the  German  conclusion  as  to  England's  national 
conscience  and  fighting  power,  as  to  France's  decadence  and 
patriotic  fervor  and  strength,  and  as  to  the  filial  loyalty  of 
England's  daughters!  And  now,  at  the  crisis  of  the  war,  when 
the  victory  must  abide  the  weight  of  wealth,  resources,  food, 
equipment,  and  fighting  men,  the  German  military  dynasty, 
contemptuous  of  a  peace-loving  people,  brings  into  the  contest  a 
nation  fresh  in  its  strength,  which  can  furnish  more  money, 
more  food,  and  more  fighting  men,  if  need  be,  than  any  other 
nation  in  the  world. 

But  we  are  at  a  danger  point.  England  and  France  and 
Russia  since  1914  have  been  fighting  the  battle  of  the  world, 
and  fighting  for  us  of  America.  The  three  years  or  more  of  war 
have  drained  their  vitality,  strained  their  credit,  exhausted 
their  man-power,  subjected  many  of  their  non-combatants  to 
suffering  and  destruction,  and  they  have  the  war-weariness 
which  dulls  the  earlier  eager  enthusiasm  for  the  principles  at 
stake.  Now  specious  proposals  for  peace  are  likely  to  be  most 
alluring  to  the  faint-hearted,  and  most  powerful  in  the  hands 
of  traitors.  Russia  rid  of  the  Czar  is  torn  with  dissensions,  and 
the  extreme  socialists  and  impractical  theorists,  blind  to  the 
ultimate  destruction  of  their  hopes  that  a  loss  of  this  war  will 
entail,  are  many  of  them  turning  to  a  separate  peace. 

The  intervention  of  the  United  States  by  her  financial  aid  has 
helped  much,  but  her  armies  are  needed,  and  she,  a  republic 
unprepared,  must  have  time  to  prepare.  The  war  is  now  to 
be  determined  by  the  active  tenacity  of  purpose  of  the  con- 
testants. England  showed  that  tenacity  in  the  wars  of  Napo- 
leon. Napoleon  succumbed.  General  Grant  in  his  men-.oirs 
says  that  the  battle  is  won  not  in  the  first  day,  but  by  the  com- 
mander and  the  army  that  is  ready,  even  after  apparent  defeat, 
to  begin  the  next  day.     It  is  the  side  that  has  the  nerve  that 


THE  WAR  FOR  PEACK  33 

will  win.  The  intervention  of  the  United  States  has  strength- 
ened that  nerve  in  England,  France,  and  Italy.  But  delay  and 
disappointment  give  full  opportunity  to  the  lethaigic,  the 
cowardly,  the  factionalist  to  make  the  task  of  the  patriot  and 
the  loyal  men  doubly  heavy.  This  is  the  temper  of  the  situation 
among  the  European  Allies. 

With  us  at  home  the  great  body  of  our  people  are  loyal  and 
strong  for  the  war.  Of  course  a  people,  however  intelligent, 
when  very  prosperous  and  comfortable,  and  not  well  advised  as 
to  the  vital  concern  that  they  have  in  the  issue  of  a  war  across  a 
wide  ocean  and  thousands  of  miles  away, — it  takes  time  to 
convince.  Bui  we  have,  for  the  first  time  in  the  history  of  our 
Republic,  begun  a  war  right.  We  have  begun  with  a  conscrip- 
tion law,  which  requires  service  from  men  of  a  certain  age  from 
every  walk  of  life.  It  is  democratic  in  principle,  and  yet  it 
offers  to  the  Government  the  means  of  selection  so  that  those 
who  shall  be  sent  to  the  front  may  be  best  fitted  to  represent  the 
nation  there,  and  those  best  able  to  do  the  work  in  the  fields 
and  factory  essential  to  our  winning  at  the  front  may  be  re- 
tained. We  have  adopted  a  merit  system  of  selecting  from  the 
intelligent  and  educated  youth  of  the  country  the  company 
officers  of  an  army  of  a  million  and  a  half  or  two  million  that  we 
are  now  preparing.  The  machinery  of  the  draft  naturally  has 
creaked  some  because  it  had  to  be  so  hastily  constructed,  but  on 
the  whole  it  has  worked  well.  Those  who  devised  it  and  have 
carried  it  through  are  entitled  to  great  credit.  The  lessons  of 
the  three  years  of  the  war  are  being  learned  and  applied  in  our 
war  equipment  and  in  neutralizing,  by  new  construction,  the 
submarine  destruction  of  commercial  transports.  Adequate 
measures  for  the  raising  of  the  money  needed  to  finance  our 
Allies  have  been  carried  through  Congress  or  are  so  near  enact- 
ment as  to  be  practically  on  the  statute  book.  Food  conserva- 
tion is  provided  for.  But  of  course  it  takes  time  for  a  hundred 
million  of  peace  lovers  and  non-militarists  to  get  read}',  however 
apt,  however  patriotic,  however  determined.  It  is  in  the  period 
of  the  year  before  the  United  States  can  begin  to  fight  that  the 
strain  is  to  come  in  Europe.  But  Germany  is  stopped  on  the 
Western  and  Italian  fronts.  The  winter  coming  will  be  harder 
on  her  than  on  the  Allies.     *'It  is  dogged  that  does  it."    Stamp 


34  THE  WAR  FOR  PEACE 

on  all  proposals  of  peace  as  ill  advised  or  seditious,  and  then  time 
will  make  for  our  certain  victory. 

While  there  has  been  pro-German  sentiment  in  the  United 
States,  and  while  the  paid  emissaries  of  Germany  have  been  busy 
trying  to  create  as  much  opposition  to  the  war  as  possible,  and 
have  found  a  number  of  weak  dupes  and  unintelligent  persons 
who  don't  understand  the  importance  of  the  war,  to  aid  them, 
our  Allies  should  know  that  the  whole  body  of  the  American 
people  will  earnestly  support  the  President  and  Congress  in 
carrying  out  the  measures  which  have  been  adopted  by  the 
United  States  to  win  this  war. 

When  the  war  is  won,  the  United  States  will  wish  to  be  heard 
and  will  have  a  right  to  be  heard  as  to  the  terms  of  peace — not 
one  of  material  conquest.  It  is  a  moral  victory  the  world  should 
win.  I  think  I  do  not  mistake  the  current  of  public  sentiment 
throughout  our  entire  country,  in  saying  that  our  people  will 
favor  an  international  agreement  by  which  the  peace  brought 
about  through  such  blood  and  suffering  and  destruction  and 
enormous  sacrifices  shall  be  preserved  by  the  joint  power  of  the 
world.  Whether  the  terms  of  the  League  to  Enforce  Peace  as 
they  are  will  be  taken  as  a  basis  for  agreement,  or  a  modified 
form,  something  of  the  kind  must  be  attempted.  Meantime, 
let  us  hope  and  pray  that  all  the  Allies  will  reject  all  proposals 
for  settlement  and  compromise  and  adhere  rigidly  and  religiously 
to  the  principle  that,  until  a  victorious  result  gives  security  that 
the  world  shall  not  be  again  drenched  in  blood  through  the 
insanely  selfish  pohcy  of  a  military  caste  of  a  nation  ruling  a 
deluded  people  intoxicated  with  material  success  and  power, 
there  will  be  no  peace. 


XI.     William  Jennings  Bryan 

Mr.  Bryan's  viows  upon  the  Kf'neral  quostions  of  war  and  peace  are  too 
familiar  to  need  a  restatement  here.  His  position  relative  to  our  present 
situation  leaves  no  doubt  in  the  mind  of  any  one  interested  to  know.  In 
The  Commoner,  for  August,  1917,  Mr.  Bryan  wTote: 

RESISTING  THE  DRAFT 

The  number  of  those  resisting  the  draft  is,  fortunately,  very 
few:  there  should  be  none.  Some  are  conscientiously  opposed 
to  war — any  war — and  may  prefer  to  submit  to  any  punishment 
the  Government  sees  fit  to  inflict  rather  than  to  take  up  arms, 
but  even  such  cannot  justify  resistance  or  the  giving  of  en- 
couragement to  those  who  do  resist.  Still  less  can  tolerance  be 
shown  to  those  who,  while  opposing  conscription,  attempt  to 
draft  others  to  join  them  in  opposing  conscription.  War  is  a 
last  resort — it  is  a  reflection  upon  civilization  that  it  still  red- 
dens the  earth — but  so  long  as  nations  go  to  war  the  citizen  can- 
not escape  a  citizen's  duty.  If  his  conscience  forbids  him  to  do 
what  his  Government  demands,  he  must  submit  without  com- 
plaint to  any  punishment  inflicted,  whether  the  punishment  be 
imprisonment  or  death. 

This  is  the  best  government  on  earth — the  one  most  respon- 
sive to  the  will  of  the  people,  but  it  is  a  government  of  the  people 
— not  of  one  or  a  few  men.  If  a  few  are  permitted  to  resist  a 
law — any  law — because  they  do  not  like  it,  government  becomes 
a  farce.     The  law  must  be  enforced — resistance  is  anarchy. 

In  the  same  number  we  also  read : 

ABUSING  FREE  SPEECH 

Before  our  Nation  enters  a  war  it  is  perfectly  proper  to  discuss 
the  wisdom  of  going  to  war,  but  the  discussion  is  closed  when 
Congress  acts.  After  that,  no  one  should  be  permitted  to  cloak 
attacks  upon  his  Government  or  aid  to  the  enemy  under  the 
claim  that  he  is  exercising  freedom  of  speech.  No  sympathy, 
therefore,  will  be  wasted  upon  those  who  have  been  arrested  for 
unpatriotic  utterances.  They  abuse  free  speech.  And  this 
applies  to  attacks  on  the  Allies  as  well  as  to  attacks  upon  the 

35 


36  THE  WAR  FOR  PEACE 

United  States.  We  can  no  more  allow  our  Allies  to  be  crushed 
than  we  can  afford  to  be  crushed  ourselves.  The  defeat  of  our 
Allies  would  throw  the  whole  burden  of  the  war  upon  us.  We 
must  stand  together  and  fight  it  through.  There  are  only  two 
sides  to  a  war — every  American  must  be  on  the  side  of  the 
United  States. 

Again: 

WRITE  TO  WASHINGTON 

Unity  throughout  the  Nation  is  imperatively  necessary  during 
the  war — dissension  would  be  disastrous,  we  must  win — 'and 
division  among  us  would  only  prolong  the  war  and  increase  its 
cost.  Those  who  advised  against  entering  the  war  should  be 
even  more  anxious  for  peace  than  those  who  advised  entrance 
into  the  war — and  the  shortest  road  to  peace  is  the  road  straight 
ahead. 

But  this  does  not  mean  that  the  citizen  shall  cease  to  think  or 
to  have  opinions.  Neither  does  it  mean  that  he  shall  not  express 
himself,  if  he  expresses  himself  in  such  a  way  as  to  aid  his  own 
country  and  not  the  enemj'.  Ours  is  a  representative  govern- 
ment, a  government  in  which  the  people  rule  through  repre- 
sentatives. The  President,  no  less  than  Congress,  is  a  servant 
of  the  people.  He  is  elected  by  the  people,  and  the  authority 
conferred  upon  him  is  conferred  by  the  constitution — the  people 
speaking  through  their  organic  law.  The  people  are  supreme. 
That  is  what  democracy  means — a  government  in  which  the 
people  rule. 

In  the  same  paper  for  September,  1917,  Mr.  Bryan  said: 

STAND  BY  THE  GOVERNMENT 

The  constitution — our  organic  law — vests  in  Congress  the 
right  to  declare  war — and  Congress  has  declared  a  state  of  war 
to  exist. 

The  constitution  makes  the  President  commander-in-chief  of 
the  army  and  the  navy,  and  the  President  is  directing  the  war 
on  land  and  sea. 

The  constitution  gives  to  Congress  the  right  to  lev}'  taxes  and 
to  borrow  money,  and  Congress  is  doing  both. 


THIO  WAR  l'\m  I'EACK  37 

The  President  and  Congress  were  elected  by  the  people  and 
are  responsible  to  the  people;  they  speak  for  the  people — the 
people  have  no  other  spokesmen.  Acquiescence  in  the  will  of 
the  people,  expressed  through  their  authorized  representatives, 
is  "the  first  law  of  the  Kepublic."  There  is  no  alternative  but 
anarchy.  Before  the  Government  acts,  discussion  is  proper; 
after  action,  obedience  is  a  duty. 

Again,  in  the  October  number,  Mr.  Bryan  expressed  himself  thus: 

With  the  citizen  the  question  of  duty  is  sometimes  more  im- 
portant than  the  question  of  rights.  The  vital  question  is  not 
what  he  can  do  but  what  he  ought  to  do.  The  legislator  must 
discuss  questions  before  Congress — this  is  necessary  to  intelligent 
action  by  Congress,  but  this  necessity  does  not  confront  the 
citizen  in  private  life.  There  is  no  reason  why  anyone  should 
discuss  that  which  has  been  done — when  final  action  is  taken, 
acquiescence  on  the  part  of  the  citizen  becomes  a  duty. 

In  the  case  of  proposed  legislation,  it  is  better  that  the  citizen 
should  communicate  directly  with  those  empowered  to  act — the 
President,  senators  and  congressmen — than  to  speak  through  the 
press,  on  the  platform,  or  on  the  street.  If  one  is  really  anxious 
to  serve  his  country,  he  will  choose  the  method  of  expression 
that  promises  the  maximum  of  good  and  the  minimum  of  risk 
of  doing  his  countrj^  harm.  Patriotism  requires  some  to  give 
their  lives;  it  requires  others  to  give  their  mone}^;  it  may  require 
some  to  hold  their  peace  rather  than  risk  creating  dissension  or 
discord  by  public  expression  of  opinion  when  such  expression  is 
unnecessary. 

Finally,  in  the  issue  for  December,  1917,  above  Mr.  Bryan'.s  signature,  we 
read: 

A  POWERFUL  DOCUMENT 

In  this  issue  will  be  found  the  full  text  of  the  President's 
annual  message.  It  is  a  powerful  document.  While  the  request 
for  a  declaration  of  war  against  Austria  will  command  immediate 
attention  and  action,  the  parts  which  are  most  vital  and  far- 
reaching  are  the  appeal  to  the  German  people  and  the  reference 
to    the    Russian    situation.     The    argument    addressed    to    the 


38  THE  WAR  FOR  PEACE 

masses  whom  the  Kaiser  is  using  to  forward  his  ambitious  plans 
ought  to  be  translated  into  the  German  language  and  distributed 
by  airships.  If  the  assui'ance  given  does  not  stir  revolt  against 
autocratic  authority,  the  people  must  be  strangely  blind  to 
their  own  welfare. 

The  President  is  patient  with  Russia  and  hopeful  that  her 
people  now  freed  from  despotism  will  yet  use  their  power  to 
check  the  land-hunger  of  Germany's  militarists.  It  is  the  clearest 
statement  yet  made  of  the  terms  of  peace  and  ought  to  make  a 
profound  impression  on  the  world. 


XII.     Theodore  Marburg,  of  Baltimore 

United  States  INIinistor  (o  Belgium,  1012-13,  President  of  the  American 
Society  for  the  Judicial  Settlement  of  International  Disputes,  1915,  promi- 
nent among  the  organizers  of  the  League  to  Enforce  Peace,  Mr.  Theodor*' 
Marburg's  views  relative  to  the  present  war  are  significant .  In  The  Iluvxani- 
tarinn  for  December,  1917,  he  writes: 

Can  we  afford  to  shake  hands  with  the  unholy  thing — dripping 
with  blood  of  innocents — known  as  Germany? 

Can  we  afford  to  make  a  pact  with  a  deliberate  violator  of  law, 
human  and  divine? 

What  semblance  of  reality  would  attach  to  sitting  at  the 
council  table  with  a  creature  false  to  its  express  and  solemn 
promise — its  promise  not  to  violate  Belgium?  What  value 
would  lie  in  an  agreement  with  such  a  State? 

In  the  intercourse  of  men,  certain  things  are  taken  for  granted; 
that  they  will  keep  their  word,  that  they  will  respect  the  law, 
that  they  will  observe  the  common  dictates  of  humanity,  that 
they  will  act>  as  gentlemen.  When  they  fail  us  in  any  of  these 
fundamentals,  the  situation  becomes  impossible. 

What  of  a  Nation  that  fails  in  all  of  them?  A  league  of 
nations  which  should  include  a  State  motived  as  Germany  is 
motived  today  would  be  a  rope  of  sand.  Intellectual  honesty 
— honesty  to  one's  self — is  a  highly  important  quahty.  Nations 
making  a  compact  with  a  perjured^Germany  would  not  be  honest 
to  themselves.  For  they  would  know  that  she  could  not  be 
counted  upon  to  keep  her  word.  When  confidence  in  the  good 
intentions  of  the  neighbor  is  destroyed,  we  have  feud,  not  society. 
A  league  composed  of  nations  which^lacked  confidence  in  one 
another  would  be  shadow,  not  substance.  From  the  very  be- 
ginning it  would  move  in  a  false  atmosphere.  Who  can  doubt 
the  result? 

And  what  of  a  league  from  which  Germany  and  her  allies 
were  left  out? 

For  the  period  of  the  war,  yQ&\  Organization  of  the  AlUes 
into  a  working  league  now  would  be  of  incalculable  advantage. 
It  should  be  formed  at  once;  is,  in  fact,  already  in  being,  so  far 
as  relates  to  community  of  aims  and  loose  cooperation,  though 
to  accomplish  its  tremendous  task  it  needs  close   cooperation. 

39 


40  THE  WAR  FOR  PEACE 

It  is  urged  that  if  a  league  is  formed  now  by  the  AlHes  it  will  be 
looked  upon  by  Germany  after  the  war  as  directed  against  her 
interests  and  therefore  less  likely  to  win  her  approval  and  adhe- 
sion. On  the  other  hand  it  has  been  pointed  out  that  permanent 
unions,  such  as  the  American  Union,  are  born  of  the  needs  of  the 
day,  that  the  Allies  need  now  the  machinery  which  will  make 
their  cooperation  effective,  and  that  we  are  therefore  likely  to 
encounter  less  opposition  among  them  to  the  formation  of  a 
working  league  now  than  if  we  wait  until  this  pressure  of  ne- 
cessity has  passed.  Two  considerations  may  be  advanced  in 
this  connection: 

1.  It  will  be  far  more  difficult  to  set  up  an  effective  and  en- 
during league  if  Germanj^  wins  the  war;  and  the  able  organization 
of  the  Allies  in  a  working  league  now  will  help  prevent  this 
catastrophe. 

2.  If  Germany  is  regenerated  it  will  be  by  reason  of  the  fact 
that  she  has  recognized  in  her  present  leaders  the  real  enemies  of 
the  German  State  and  people. 

Just  as  the  new  France,  which  followed  the  fall  of  Napoleon, 
was  soon  accepted  by  the  European  world  as  an  entirely  friendly 
Power,  and  in  its  turn  harbored  no  animosity'  against  the  coali- 
tion which  had  overthrown  Napoleon,  so,  it  is  to  be  presumed, 
the  new  Germany  will  sit  as  a  friend  at  the  council  table  of 
Europe  and  of  the  world,  enjoying  the  friendship  of,  and  enter- 
taining friendly  feelings  for,  her  sister  nations. 

But  in  order  to  succeed  after  the  war,  a  league  which  plans 
the  use  of  force  in  any  contingencies  whatsoever  must  embrace 
all  or  nearly  all  the  Great  Powers.  Less  than  this  would  con- 
stitute but  little  advance  on  the  present  system  of  opposing 
alliances.  It  might  postpone  war,  as  did  the  existence  of  the 
Entente  and  the  Triple  Alliance.  But,  like  them,  it  would  run 
the  risk  of  making  war  universal  if  it  did  come.     .     .     . 


XIII.     Samuel  Gompers 

As  president  of  the  American  Federation  of  Labor  for  thirty-five  years  and 
editor  of  its  official  magazine  The  Federaiionisl,  Samuel  Gompers  is  the  most 
widely  known  and  representative  leader  of  organized  labor  in  America.  He 
was  elected  president  of  the  American  Alliance  for  Labor  and  Democracy 
upon  the  formation  of  that  organization  at  Minneapolis,  September  5  to  7, 
1917.  The  following  extracts  are  from  the  address  which  he  delivered  on  accept- 
ing that  office: 

I  have  counted  myself  happj'^  in  the  companionship  of  the  men 
and  women  who  called  themselves  pacifists.  There  was  not  a 
State  or  national  or  international  peace  society  of  which  I  was 
not  a  member,  and  in  many  instances  an  officer.  As  a  trade 
unionist,  with  its  practices  and  its  philosophies,  I  have  been  in 
happy  accord  with  our  movement  for  international  peace. 

At  a  great  gathering  in  Faneuil  Hall,  Boston,  some  j'ears  ago, 
I  gave  utterance  to  my  soul's  conviction  that  the  time  had  come 
when  great  international  wars  had  been  put  to  an  end,  and  I 
expressed  the  opinion  that  in  the  last  analysis,  if  those  who  are 
the  profit-mongers  by  "war"  undertook  to  create  a  war,  the 
working  people  of  the  countries  of  the  world  would  stop  work 
simultaneously,  if  necessary,  in  order  to  prevent  international 
war. 

.  I  was  sent  as  a  delegate  from  the  American  Federation 
of  Labor  to  the  International  Congress  of  Labor  in  1909,  held  at 
Paris,  France,  and  there  at  that  conference,  incidental  to  it, 
there  was  arranged  one  of  the  greatest  mass-meetings  I  have 
ever  attended,  at  which  the  representatives  of  the  labor  move- 
ment of  each  country  declared  that  there  would  not  be  anothei- 
international  war. 

And  I  went  home,  happy  in  the  further  proof  that  the  time  of 
universal  peace  had  come.  And  I  attended  more  peace  con- 
ferences. I  was  still  firmly  persuaded  that  the  time  had  come, 
and  until  1914  I  was  in  that  Fool's  Paradise.  I  doubt  if  there 
were  many  who  were  so  thoroughly  shocked  to  the  innermost 
depths  of  their  being  as  I  was  with  the  breaking  out  of  the 
European  War.  But  it  had  come!  And  as  it  went  on,  ruth- 
lessly, we  saw  a  terrific  conflict  in  which  the  dominating  spirit 

41 


42  THE  WAR  FOR  PEACE 

was  that  the  people  attacked  must  be  subjugated  to  the  will  of 
the  great  autocrat  of  his  time  regardless  of  how  our  sympathies 
ran,  and  that  men  who  had  given  the  best  years  of  their  lives  in 
the  effort  to  find  some  means,  some  secret  of  science  or  of  nature, 
so  that  the  slighest  ill  or  pain  of  the  most  insignificant  of  the 
race  might  be  assuaged,  turned  to  purposes  of  destruction.  At 
the  call  of  this  autocrat,  His  Imperial  Majesty  the  Emperor  of 
Germany,  men  were  set  at  attack,  and  we  found  that  these  very 
men  were  clutching  at  each  other's  throats  and  seeking  each 
other's  destruction. 

The  United  States  has  declared  that  she  can  no  longer  live  in 
safety  when  there  is  stalking  throughout  the  earth  this  thunder- 
ous machine  of  murder.  The  United  States  authoritatively  has 
declared  that  peace  is  desirable  and  should  be  brought  about,  but 
that  peace  is  impossible  so  long  as  life  and  liberty  are  challenged 
and  menaced.  The  Republic  of  the  United  States  has  cast  her 
lot  with  the  Allied  countries  fighting  against  the  greatest  military 
machine  ever  erected  in  the  history  of  the  world. 

I  am  made  ill  when  I  see  or  hear  anyone  suffering  the  slightest 
pain  or  anguish,  and  yet  I  hold  that  it  is  essential  that  the  sacri- 
fice must  be  made  that  humanity  shall  never  again  be  cursed  by 
a  war  such  as  the  one  which  has  been  thrust  upon  us. 


COMMITTEE  ON  PUBLIC  INFORMATION 

(Established  by  Order  of  the  President,  April  14,  1017) 


Your  Government  is  willing  to  send  you  WITHOUT  CHARGE  (eicept  as 
noted)  any  TWO  of  the  Pamphlets  hsted  below. 


I.     RED  WHITE  AND  BLUE  SERIES 

1.  How  the  War  Came  to  America. 

Contents:  Developments  of  our  policy  re%'iewed  and  explained  from  Autrust, 
1914,  to  April.  1917.  Appendi.\:  the  President's  address  to  tlie  Senate.  January 
22,  1917;  his  War  Message  to  Congress.  April  2,  1917;  IiIk  Flat;  Day  address  at 
"Washington,  June  14.  1917.  ;}2  pages.  (Translations  into  German.  Polish, 
Bohemian,  Italian,  Spanish,  Swedish,  Portugueses,  Croatian  and  Yiddish.  48 
pages.) 

2.  National  Service  Handbook.     {Price  15  cents.) 

Contents:  De.scriptlon  of  all  civic  and  military  organizations  directly  or  in- 
directly connected  with  war  work.     240  pages. 

3.  The  Battle  Line  of  Democracy.     {Price  15  cents.) 

Contents:  The  best  collection  of  patriotic  prose  and  poetrj-  bearing  on  the  war 
and  our  ideals.     134  pages. 

4.  The  President's  Flag  Day  Address,  with  Evidence  of  Germany's  Plans. 

Contents:  The  President's  speech  with  the  facts  to  which  lie  alludes  explained 
by  carefully  selected  notes.     32  pages. 

5.  Conquest  and  Kultur.     Edited  by  Wallace  Notestein  and  Elmer  E.  Stoll 

(University  of  Minnesota). 

Contents:  Quotations  from  German  writers  revealing  the  plans  and  purposes  of 
pan-Germany.  One  chapter  is  devoted  entirely  to  the  German  attitude  toward 
America.      IGO  pages. 

6.  German  War  Practices:      Part  I — Treatment  of   Civilians.      Edited  by 

Dana  C.  Munro  (Princeton  Llniversity),  George  C  Sellcry  (University 
of  Wisconsin),  and  August  C.  Krey  (University  of  Minnesota). 

Contents:  Methods  of  the  Gei-raan  military  machine  in  Belgium  and  Northern 
France;  facts  stated  on  the  basis  of  American  and  German  evidence  only.  91  pages. 

7.  War  Cyclopedia:    A  Handbook  for  Ready  Reference  on  the  Great  War. 

{Price  25  cents.)  Edited  by  Frederic  L.  Paxson  (University  of  Wis- 
consin), Edward  S.  Corwin  (Princeton  University),  and  Samuel  B. 
Harding  (Indiana  L^niversity) . 

Contents:  Over  1000  articles  covering  all  phases  of  the  war,  with  special  reference 
to  America's  policy,  interests,  and  activities;  colored  map,  chronological  outline. 
THE  BEST  SINGLE  BOOK  ON  THE  WAR.     321  pages. 

8.  German  Treatment  of  Conquered  Territory:     Part  II  of  "German  War 

Practices."  Edited  by  Dana  C.  Munro  (Princeton  Universitj'),  George 
C.  Sellery  (ITniversity  of  Wisconsin),  and  August  C.  Krey  (University 
of  Minnesota). 

Contents:  Continuation  cf  No.  C;  deals  with  the  systematic  exploitation  rf 
occupied  ten-itoi-y  by  the  Germans  under  the  Rathenau  Plan,  the  burning  <f 
Louvain,  aiid  their  wanton  destruction  in  tlie  evacuated  districts  of  Northern 
France.     61  pages. 

43 


44  LIST  OF  PUBLICATIONS 

9.  War,  Labor,  and  Peace:  Some  Recent  Addresses  and  Writings  of  the 
President. 
Contents:  The  American  reply  to  the  Pope's  Peace  Proposals  (August  27,  1917); 
Address  to  the  Araericau  Federation  of  Labor,  at  Buffalo,  N.  Y.  (November  12. 
1917);  Annual  Message  to  Congress,  asking  a  declaration  of  war  with  Austria- 
Hungary,  dealing  with  the  Russian  situation,  and  requesting  Congress  to  pass  ad- 
ditional war  legislation  (December  4,  1917);  Address  setting  forth  the  American 
peace  program  (.January  8,  1918);  Keply  to  Chancellor  von  Hertling  and  Coimt 
Czernin  (February  11,  1918).      {In  press.) 

{Other  issues  in  preparation.) 

IL     WAR  INFORMATION  SERIES 

101.  The  War  Message  and  Facts  Behind  It.     By  William  Stearns  Davis' 

(University  of  Minnesota)  and  others. 
Contents:    Tlie  President's  Message  of  Ai)ril  2,  1917,  with  notes  explaining  in 
further  detail  the  events  to  wliich  he  refers;  also  including  historical  data  and 
setting  forth  in  clear,  simple  language,  the  fundamentals  underlying  the  Presi- 
dent's important  message.     32  pages. 

102.  The  Nation  in  Arms. 

Contents:  Two  addresses  by  Secretaries  Lane  and  Baker  showing  why  we  are 
at  war.  These  are  two  of  the  most  forceful  and  widely  quoted  speeches  the  war 
has  produced.     16  pages. 

103.  The    Government    of    Germany.     By    Charles    D.    Hazen    (Columbia 

University). 
Contents:     Explanation  of  the  constitution  of  the  German  Empire  and  of 
Prussia,  showing  the  vvay  in  wliich  the  Prussian  inonarcli  controls  Germany. 
16  pages.      (Translation  into  German  published  bj'  the  Society  of  Friends  of 
German  Democracy,  32  Union  Square,  New  York.) 

104.  The    Great    War:     From    Spectator    to    Participant.     By    Andrew    C. 

McLaughlin  (University  of  Chicago). 
Contents:     A  review  of  the  attitude  of  the  Anierican  public  in  passing  from 
spectator  to  participant,   sliowing  how  events  transformed   the  temper  of  a 
pacific  nation  wl'iich  finally  foimd  war  imavoidable.     16  pages. 

105.  A  War  of  Self-Defense. 

Contents:  Addresses  by  Secretary  of  State  Robert  Lansing  and  Assistant 
Secretary  of  Labor  Louis  F.  Post,  showing  how  war  was  forced  upon  us.  These 
two  eloquent  speeches  give  a  lucid  review  of  events.     22  pages. 

106.  American  Loyalty.     By  Citizens  of  German  Descent. 

C'interits:  Expressions  by  American  citizens  of  German  descent  wlio  have 
found  in  America  their  liigliest  ideal  of  political  lil^erty  and  feel  that  America  is 
now  flgliting  the  battle  of  liberalism  in  Germany  as  well  as  in  the  rest  of  the 
world.     24  pages. 

107.  Amerikanische  Biirgertreue.     German  translation  of  No.  6. 

108.  American  Interest  in  Popular  Government  Abroad.     By  E.  B.  Greene 

(University  of  Illinois). 
Contents:  A  clear  historical  account,  with  quotations  from  Washington, 
Monroe.  Webster.  Lincoln  and  other  pulilic  men  showing  America's  continuous 
recognition  of  her  vital  interest  in  the  cause  of  liberahsm  throughout  the  world. 
LTnpublishcd  material  from  the  Oovemment  archives  throws  an  interesting  light 
on  oiu-  policy  during  the  great  Germ.an  democratic  revolution  of  1848.    16  pages. 

109.  Home  Reading   Course  for  Citizen   Soldiers.     Prepared  by  the  War 

Department. 
Contents:     A  course  of  30  daily  lessons  offered  to  the  men  selected  for  service 
in  the  National  Army  as  a  practical  help  in  getting  started  in  the  right  way. 
02  pages. 

110.  First  Session  of  the  War  Congress.     Compiled  by  Charles  Merz. 

Contents:  A  complete  stunmary  of  all  legislation  passed  by  the  Fir.st  Session 
of  the  65tli  Congress.     48  pages. 

111.  The  German  War  Code.     By  George  W.  Scott  (formerly  of  Columbia 

University)  and  J.  W.  Garner  (University  of  Illinois). 
Contents:     An  illuminating  comparison  of  the  oflicial  Gennan  War  Manual 
{Kriegslnaueh   irn  Lavdkrieqe)   with    the   official  war  manuals  of   the   United 
States,  Great  Britain,  and  France.     16  pages. 


LIST  OF  PriiLICATIOXS  45 

112.  American  and  Allied  Ideals.     By  Stuart  P.  Sherman   (University  of 

Illinois  . 
C()7ilrnls-     Addvosscd  t~>  t'lcso  who  aro  "neither  hot  nor  cold"  in  the  war,  this 
pamphlot  presents  the  reas'^iis  why  all  who  believe  :n  the  prinriples  of  FRF^E- 
DOM,  RIGHT,  AND  JUSTICE,  which  are  the  ideals  of  America  and  of  the 
Allies,  shonkl  aid  their  cause.     23  pages 

113.  German  Militarism  and  Its  German  Critics      By  Charles  Altschul. 

Cunlvnts  A  careful  snuly  of  Geniiar  MUitarisrn  before  the  war.  based  on 
evidence  drawn  from  newspapers  published  in  Germany;  helps  to  explain  the 
CRIMES  and  ATROCITIES  committed  by  Germany  in  the  present  war. 
40  pases. 

A  German  edition  of  No.  113  is  also  in  press. 

114.  The  War  for  Peace.     By  Arthur  D.  Call,  Secretary  of  the  American 

Peace  Socipty. 
ConlnUx       \  compilation  of  the  official  statements  and  other  utterances  of 
the  leadins  Peace  organizations  and  leaders,  .showing  how  the  present  war  is 
viewed  by  Amcricar  friends  of  Peace.     42  pages. 

115.  Why  America  Fights  Germany.     By  John  S.  P.  Tatlock  (Stanford  Uni- 

versity) . 
Cnnfrnis-     A  brief  statement  of  why  the  United  States  entered  the  war;  con- 
crete yet  comprehensive.      \'.i  pages. 

116.  The  Study  of  the  Great  War.     By  Samuel  B.  Harding  (Indiana  Uni- 

versity) . 
Co7Ue7ils:     A  topical  outline  with   extensive  extracts  from  the  sources  and 
reading  references;    intended  for  college  and  high  school  classes,  clubs,  and 
others.     Ot)  pages. 

117.  The  Activities  of  the  Committee  on  Public  Information. 

Contents:     A  report  made  to  the  President,  January  7,  1918.     20  pages. 

{Other  issues  in  preparation. 

III.     LOYALTY  LEAFLETS 

A  series  of  leaflets  of  ordinary  envelope  size.  Designed  especially  for  the 
busy  man  or  woman  who  wants  the  important  facts  concerning  the  war  and 
ourparticipation  in  it  put  SIMPLY,  BRIEFLY  and  FORCIBLY. 

201.  Friendly  Words  to  the  Foreign  Born.     By  Hon.   Joseph   Buffington, 

Senior  United  States  Circuit  Judge   of  the  Third  Circuit.     (Transla- 
tions  into  the  principal  foreign  languages  are  in  press.) 

202.  The  Prussian  System.     By  F.  C.  Walcott,  of  the  United  States  Food 

Administration. 

203.  Labor  and  the  War.     President  Wilson's  address  to  the  American  Fed- 

eration of  Labor,  November  12,  1917. 
204'.  A  War  Message  to  the  Farmer.     By  President  Wilson. 

205.  Plain  Issues  of  the  War.     By  Elihu  Root,  Ex-Secretary  of  State. 

206.  Ways  to  Serve  the  Nation.     A  Proclamation  bv  the  President,  April  16, 

1917. 

207.  What  Really  Matters.     By  a  well-known  newspaper  writer. 

(Other  issues  in  preparation .) 

IV.     OFFICIAL  BULLETIN   (Published  Daily) 

Accurate  daily  statements  of  what  all  agencies  of  Government  are  doing  in 
war  times,  sent  free  to  newspapers  and  postmasters  (to  be  put  on  bulletin 
boards).     Subscription  price,  $5  per  year. 


Address: 

COMMITTEE  ON  PUBLIC  INFORMATION, 

10  Jackson  Place, 

Washington,  D.  C. 


'"^  SOfJTHrRfj 


Q25  240    7 


